ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಭವನಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ದೇಣಿಗೆ ನೀಡಲು ಮನವಿ

ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಭವನಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ದೇಣಿಗೆ ನೀಡಲು ಮನವಿ

ಸ್ನೇಹಿತರೇ,

ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಕೋಮು ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ವೇದಿಕೆಯು 15 ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಸಂಘರ್ಷದ ಪ್ರೌಢಿಮೆಯ ಹಾದಿಯ ಹೊಸ್ತಿಲಲ್ಲಿದೆ.

ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಚಳವಳಿಯು ಹೊಸ ಹುರುಪಿನೊಂದಿಗೆ ಮತ್ತೊಂದು ಹಂತಕ್ಕೆ ಜಿಗಿಯಲು, ಕೋಮುವಾದ ಮತ್ತು ಫ್ಯಾಸಿವಾದಕ್ಕೆ ಸಮರ್ಪಕ ಪ್ರತಿರೋಧ ರೂಪಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು, ಹಲವು ಆಯಾಮಗಳ ಬಹುಮುಖಿ ಚಟುವಟಿಕೆಗಳನ್ನು ತೀವ್ರಗೊಳಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಕಛೇರಿಯಾಗಿ *ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಭವನ* ದ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ತೀರ್ಮಾನಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು 5 ತಿಂಗಳುಗಳಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ.

ಇದೀಗ ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನ ಆಯಕಟ್ಟಿನ ಜಾಗದಲ್ಲೊಂದು ನಮ್ಮ *ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಭವನದ* ಕನಸಿನಾಕಾರದ ಮನೆಯೊಂದು ಕಣ್ಣಿಗೆ ಬಿದ್ದಿದೆ. ಲೀಸ್ ಗಾಗಿ ಮಾತುಕತೆ ಮುಂದುವರೆದಿದೆ.

ಹಲವು ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಗೆಳೆಯರು ವೇದಿಕೆಯ ಮನವಿಗೆ ಓಗೊಟ್ಟು ಸ್ಪಂದಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಆದರೆ ಅಗತ್ಯವಿರುವಷ್ಟು ಹಣ ಸಂಗ್ರಹಕ್ಕೆ ಗಾವುದ ದೂರವಿದ್ದೇವೆ.

ವೇದಿಕೆಯ ಎಲ್ಲ ಘಟಕಗಳು *ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಭವನವನ್ನು ಆದ್ಯತೆಯ ವಿಚಾರ*ವನ್ನಾಗಿ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಂಡು ತಮ್ಮ ಕೈಲಾದಷ್ಟು ದೇಣಿಗೆ ಸಂಗ್ರಹಿಸಲು ಮುಂದಾಗಬೇಕೆಂದು ಕಳಕಳಿಯ ಮನವಿ.


K L Ashok
State Secretary
Karnataka Komu Souhardha Vedike

Hormony centre appeal.pdf

‘ಊನಾದಿಂದ ಜುನೈದ್ ವರೆಗೆ’ – ಗೋರಕ್ಷಣೆಯ ಹೆಸರಿನ ಹ ಿಂಸೆಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಉಡುಪಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪಂಜಿನ ಮೆರವಣಿಗೆಯಲ್ ಲಿ ಜಾಗೃತಿ ಅಭಿಯಾನ!

‘ಊನಾದಿಂದ ಜುನೈದ್ ವರೆಗೆ’ – ಗೋರಕ್ಷಣೆಯ ಹೆಸರಿನ ಹಿಂಸೆಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಉಡುಪಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪಂಜಿನ ಮೆರವಣಿಗೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಜಾಗೃತಿ ಅಭಿಯಾನ!

ವಾರ್ತಾಭಾರತಿ ಮತ್ತು ಪ್ರಜಾವಾಣಿ – ಪತ್ರಿಕೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಬಂದ ವರದಿ

ಆಧುನಿಕ ಬದುಕಿನ ಪ್ರತಿಕ್ಷಣವೂ ಗೋ-–ಮಯ

ವಿಜ್ಙಾನವಿಶೇಷ

ನಾಗೇಶ್ಹೆಗಡೆ

ಆಧುನಿಕಬದುಕಿನಪ್ರತಿಕ್ಷಣವೂಗೋ-–ಮಯ

(ಕೃಪೆ : – ಪ್ರಜಾವಾಣಿ – 1 Jun, 2017)

ಕಸಾಯಿಖಾನೆಗೆಹೋದದನದಅರ್ಧಪಾಲುಮಾತ್ರಆಹಾರಕ್ಕೆ, ಇನ್ನರ್ಧಭಾಗನಮ್ಮನಿಮ್ಮೆಲ್ಲರಬಳಕೆಗೆ…

ವಧೆಗಾಗಿ ದನಕರುಗಳನ್ನು ಮಾರದಂತೆ ಪ್ರತಿಬಂಧಿಸುವ ‘ವಿಶೇಷ ಅಧಿಸೂಚನೆ’ಗೆ ಸಹಿ ಹಾಕಿದ ಯಾರೂ ದನಕರುಗಳನ್ನು ಸಾಕಿರಲಿಕ್ಕಿಲ್ಲ. ಮೇವಿನ ಹಿಂಡಿ, ಹುಲ್ಲು ಅಥವಾ ದನಗಳ ಮಾರಾಟದ ದಲ್ಲಾಳಿ ಆಗಿರಲಿಕ್ಕಿಲ್ಲ. ಗೋಮಾಂಸ ತಿನ್ನುವವರೂ ಅಲ್ಲ, ಮಾಂಸದ ರಫ್ತಿನ ವಹಿವಾಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾಗಿಗಳೂ ಆಗಿರಲಿಕ್ಕಿಲ್ಲ. ಸತ್ತ ದನದ ಚರ್ಮ ಸುಲಿಯುವ ಅಥವಾ ಚರ್ಮೋದ್ಯಮದ ಕಾರ್ಮಿಕರಂತೂ ಅಲ್ಲ; ಪಶುವೈದ್ಯರೂ ಆಗಿರಲಿಕ್ಕಿಲ್ಲ, ಮನುಷ್ಯರ ವೈದ್ಯರೂ ಇರಲಿಕ್ಕಿಲ್ಲ. ಮೃಗಾಲಯದ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥಾಪಕರಂತೂ ಅಲ್ಲವೇ ಅಲ್ಲ. ಹೀಗೆ, ಪಶುಸಂಬಂಧಿ ವಹಿವಾಟುಗಳ ಯಾವ ತುಮುಲಗಳೂ ಅವರಿಗೆ ನೇರ ತಟ್ಟುವ ಸಂಭವ ತೀರ ಕಡಿಮೆ. ಆದರೆ ಅವರು ದಿನವೂ ಬಳಸುವ ಅದೆಷ್ಟೊ ಜೈವಿಕ ಸರಕು ಮತ್ತು ಸೇವೆಗಳಿಗಾಗಿ ದನಗಳನ್ನು ಅವಲಂಬಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಹೇಗೆಂದು ನೋಡೋಣವೆ? ಆ ಅಧಿಸೂಚನೆಗೆ ಸಹಿ ಹಾಕುವ ಮುನ್ನ ನಡೆದ ಸುದೀರ್ಘ ಚರ್ಚೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಆಗಾಗ ಟೀ, ಕಾಫಿ, ಪೇಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಬಳಕೆಯಾದ ಸಕ್ಕರೆಯಿಂದಲೇ ಆರಂಭಿಸೋಣ.

ಸಕ್ಕರೆ ಅಷ್ಟೊಂದು ಬೆಳ್ಳಗೆ ಕಾಣಲು ಕಾರಣವೇನು ಗೊತ್ತೆ? ಪ್ರಾಣಿಗಳ ಮೂಳೆಪುಡಿಯಿಂದ ತಯಾರಿಸಿದ ಬೋನ್ ಚಾರ್ ಎಂಬ ಫಿಲ್ಟರ್ ಮೂಲಕ ಬೆಲ್ಲದ ಪಾಕವನ್ನು ಸೋಸುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಸಕ್ಕರೆ ಖರೀದಿಸಲೆಂದು ನೀವು ಬಸ್ ಅಥವಾ ಕಾರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರಯಾಣ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದರೆ ಮೃತ ದನಗಳ ಮೇಲೆಯೇ ಸವಾರಿ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದೀರೆಂದು ಹೇಳಬಹುದು. ಟಯರ್‌ಗಳಿಗೆ ಸ್ಟೀರಿಕ್ ಆಸಿಡ್ ಎಂಬ ಪ್ರಾಣಿಜನ್ಯ ದ್ರವವನ್ನು ಸೇರಿಸದೆ ಇದ್ದರೆ ಅದು ಯಾವ ಕ್ಷಣದಲ್ಲಾದರೂ ಢಮ್ಮೆನ್ನಬಹುದು. ಬೆದರಿ ಬ್ರೇಕ್ ಹಾಕಲು ಹೊರಟಿರಾ? ಹೈಡ್ರಾಲಿಕ್ ಬ್ರೇಕಿಗೆ ಬಳಸಿದ ಎಣ್ಣೆಯೂ ದನದ ದೇಹದಿಂದ ತೆಗೆದಿದ್ದೇ ಆಗಿರುತ್ತದೆ. ಬ್ರೇಕ್ ಮತ್ತು ಸ್ಟೀರಿಂಗ್ ಎಂದೂ ಮುರಿಯದ ಹಾಗೆ ವಿಶೇಷವಾಗಿ ತಯಾರಿಸಲಾದ ಉಕ್ಕಿನ ಕಂಬಿಗೂ ಮೂಳೆ ಪುಡಿಯನ್ನು ಸೇರಿಸಿರುತ್ತಾರೆ.

ನಿಮ್ಮದು ಭಾರೀ ದುಬಾರಿ ಕಾರ್ ಆಗಿದ್ದರೆ ಸೀಟಿನ ಲೆದರ್ ಹೊದಿಕೆಯಂತೂ ದನದ್ದೇ ಬಿಡಿ. ತೀರ ಅನುಕೂಲಸ್ಥ ಧನಿಕರೂ ಆಢ್ಯ ಸ್ವಾಮೀಜಿಗಳೂ ಬಳಸುವ ಕಾರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಅಂಥ ಐಷಾರಾಮಿ ಸೀಟುಗಳು ಇರುತ್ತವೆ. ಲೆದರ್ ಆಗಿರಲಿ, ರೆಕ್ಸಿನ್ನಿನದ್ದೇ ಹೊದಿಕೆ ಆಗಿರಲಿ, ಅದರ ಪ್ರತಿಯೊಂದು ಭಾಗವನ್ನೂ ಜೋಡಿಸಲು ಬಳಸಿದ ಅಂಟು ಕೂಡ ದನದ ಪ್ರೊಟೀನಿನಿಂದ ತಯಾರಿಸಿದ್ದೇ ಆಗಿರುತ್ತದೆ. ಸ್ಟೀರಿಂಗ್ ಚಕ್ರ ನಿಮ್ಮ ಮುಷ್ಟಿಯಿಂದ ಜಾರದಂತೆ ಗಪ್ಪಾಗಿ ಕೂರಲೂ ಅದೇ ಅಂಟನ್ನು ಬಳಸಿರುತ್ತಾರೆ. ದುಬಾರಿ ಕಾರುಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಅಗ್ನಿಶಾಮಕ ಪುಟ್ಟ ಸಿಲಿಂಡರನ್ನು ಜೋಡಿಸಿರುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಅದನ್ನು ಅಮುಕಿದರೆ ಹೊರಬರುವ ನೊರೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ದನದ ರಕ್ತದಿಂದಲೇ ತೆಗೆದ ಬೆಂಕಿನಿರೋಧಕ ರಸಾಯನ ಇರುತ್ತದೆ. ತೀರ ಚಳಿ ಬಿದ್ದಾಗ ಕಾರಿನ ಎಂಜಿನ್ ಸಲೀಸಾಗಿ ಚಾಲೂ ಆಗುವಂತೆ ಇಂಧನಕ್ಕೆ ಹೆಪ್ಪುನಿರೋಧಕವಾಗಿ ಬಳಸುವ ಗ್ಲಿಸರೀನ್ ಎಂಬ ವಸ್ತು ದನಗಳ ಶರೀರದಿಂದಲೇ ಬಂದಿರುತ್ತದೆ. ಪೇಂಟ್‌ನ ಹೊಳಪನ್ನು ಹೆಚ್ಚಿಸಲೆಂದು ಕೂಡ ಗ್ಲಿಸರೀನ್ ಹಚ್ಚಿರುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಕಾರುಗಳು ಸಲೀಸಾಗಿ ಚಲಿಸಲೆಂದು ರಸ್ತೆಗೆ ಡಾಂಬರು ಹಾಕಿರುತ್ತಾರಲ್ಲ, ಅದು ಅತ್ತಿತ್ತ ಕಿತ್ತು ಹೋಗದಂತೆ ಅದಕ್ಕೂ ದನಗಳ ಕೊಬ್ಬನ್ನೇ ಸೇರಿಸಿರುತ್ತಾರೆ. ರಸ್ತೆ ನಿರ್ಮಾಣಕ್ಕೆ ಮೊದಲು ಬಂಡೆಗಳನ್ನು ಸ್ಫೋಟಿಸಲು ಜಿಲೆಟಿನ್ ಕಡ್ಡಿಗಳನ್ನು ಬಳಸುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಅದರಲ್ಲಿ ಗ್ಲಿಸರೀನ್ ಇಲ್ಲದಿದ್ದರೆ ಸ್ಫೋಟವೇ ಆಗುವುದಿಲ್ಲ. ಹೀಗೆ ರಸ್ತೆ, ರಸ್ತೆಯ ಮೇಲಿನ ಚಕ್ರ, ಚಕ್ರವನ್ನು ನಿಯಂತ್ರಿಸುವ ಬ್ರೇಕ್, ಬ್ರೇಕನ್ನು ಆಗಾಗ ಒತ್ತುವ ನಿಮ್ಮ ಕಾಲಿನ ಪಾದರಕ್ಷೆ, ಡ್ರೈವರ್ ಸೀಟಿನ ಮೆತ್ತೆ ಎಲ್ಲವೂ ಗೋ-ಮಯ.

ಚರ್ಮದ ಸೋಫಾ ಮೇಲೆ ಕೂರುವ ಬದಲು ಸಾದಾ ಕುರ್ಚಿಯ ಮೇಲೆ ಕೂರಲು ಹೊರಟರೆ ಅಲ್ಲೂ ನೀವು ದನಕ್ಕೆ ಅಂಟಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತೀರಿ. ಏಕೆಂದರೆ ಕುರ್ಚಿಗೆ ಬಳಸಿದ ಕಟ್ಟಿಗೆಪುಡಿಯ ಹಲಗೆಯ ಮೇಲೆ ಹೊಳಪಿನ ಪ್ಲೈವುಡ್ ಹಾಳೆಯನ್ನು ಅಂಟಿಸಿರುತ್ತಾರಲ್ಲ, ಅಲ್ಲಿ ದನಗಳ ರಕ್ತದ ಒಣಪುಡಿಯ ಗೋಂದನ್ನೇ ಬಳಸಿರುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಕುರ್ಚಿ ಬೇಡ, ನೆಲಕ್ಕೆ ಕೂತೇ ಊಟ ಮಾಡುತ್ತೇನೆಂದರೆ ಆಹಾರ ಉತ್ಪಾದನೆಗೆ ಬಳಸಿದ ಬಹುಪಾಲು ರಸಗೊಬ್ಬರದಲ್ಲಿ ದನದ ರಕ್ತದ ಪುಡಿಯನ್ನು ಸಾರಜನಕ ಸಂವರ್ಧನೆಗೆಂದು ಸೇರಿಸಿರುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಇನ್ನು ಕ್ಯಾಲ್ಸಿಯಂ ಮತ್ತು ರಂಜಕದಂಥ ಸಸ್ಯ ಪೋಷಕ ದ್ರವ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ದನದ ಮೂಳೆಪುಡಿಯಿಂದ ಸಂಗ್ರಹಿಸಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಕೃಷಿ ಕೆಲಸದಲ್ಲಿ ದುಡಿಮೆ ಮಾಡುವ ಮಹಿಳೆ ರಕ್ತಹೀನತೆಯಿಂದ ಬಳಲುತ್ತಿದ್ದರೆ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಉಚಿತವಾಗಿ ಆಕೆಗೆ ವಿತರಿಸುವ ಐರನ್ ಮಾತ್ರೆಗಳಲ್ಲೂ ದನದ ರಕ್ತದಿಂದ ತೆಗೆದ ಕಬ್ಬಿಣದ ಅಂಶವೇ ಇರುತ್ತದೆ.

ದನಗಳೆಂದರೆ ಕೇಳಿದ್ದನ್ನು ಕೊಡುವ ಕಾಮಧೇನು. ವೈದ್ಯಕೀಯ ರಂಗಕ್ಕೆ ಬಂದರೆ ದನದ ದೇಹದ ಮೂಗಿನ ತುದಿಯಿಂದ ಹಿಡಿದು ಬಾಲದವರೆಗಿನ ಭಾಗಗಳಿಂದ ಪಡೆದ ಅಸಂಖ್ಯ ಔಷಧ ದ್ರವ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ಪಟ್ಟಿ ಮಾಡಬಹುದು. ದನದ ಮೂಗಿನ ಹೊರಳೆಗಳ ನಡುವಣ ಮೃದ್ವಸ್ಥಿಯಿಂದ ತೆಗೆದ ‘ಕೊಂಡ್ರಾಯ್ಟಿನ್’ ಎಂಬ ವಸ್ತುವನ್ನು (ಗ್ಲೂಕೊಸಮೈನ್) ಎಲ್ಲ ಬಗೆಯ ಕೀಲುನೋವುಗಳಿಗೂ ಔಷಧವಾಗಿ ಬಳಸುತ್ತಾರೆ. ದನದ ಶ್ವಾಸನಾಳ ಮತ್ತು ಶ್ವಾಸಕೋಶದ ಒಳಪೊರೆಯಿಂದ ತೆಗೆದ ಹೆಪಾರಿನ್ ಎಂಬ ಔಷಧ ದ್ರವ್ಯವನ್ನು ಶಸ್ತ್ರಚಿಕಿತ್ಸೆಗೆ ಮೊದಲು ರೋಗಿಯ ರಕ್ತಕ್ಕೆ ಸೇರಿಸುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಆಗ ರಕ್ತ ಹೆಪ್ಪುಗಟ್ಟುವುದಿಲ್ಲ (ಮಲೆನಾಡಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಮಳೆಗಾಲದಲ್ಲಿ ಕಂಡುಬರುವ ಇಂಬಳಗಳು ಕಚ್ಚಿದಾಗ ಇದೇ ಹೆಪಾರಿನ್ ನಮ್ಮ ರಕ್ತನಾಳಕ್ಕೆ ಸೇರುತ್ತದೆ. ಇಂಬಳವನ್ನು ಕಿತ್ತು ತೆಗೆದ ನಂತರವೂ ರಕ್ತ ಹೆಪ್ಪುಗಟ್ಟದೆ ಹರಿಯುತ್ತಲೇ ಇರುತ್ತದೆ. ಇಂಬಳದ ಕಡಿತ ಮಾರಕವೇನಲ್ಲ; ಆದರೆ ಝೆಕ್ ದೇಶದ ನರ್ಸ್ ಒಬ್ಬಳು ಬೇಕೆಂತಲೇ ಜಾಸ್ತಿ ಹೆಪಾರಿನ್ ಚುಚ್ಚಿ ಏಳು ರೋಗಿಗಳ ಕೊಲೆ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದಳು; ಇನ್ನೂ ಹತ್ತು ಮಂದಿಗೆ ಚುಚ್ಚುವ ಮೊದಲೇ ಸಿಕ್ಕಿಬಿದ್ದಳು).

ಭಾರತದಲ್ಲಿ ಆರು ಕೋಟಿಗೂ ಹೆಚ್ಚಿನ ಸಕ್ಕರೆ ರೋಗಿಗಳಿದ್ದು ಇದನ್ನು ಮಧುಮೇಹಿಗಳ ಸಂತೆಯೆಂದೇ ವರ್ಣಿಸಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಇವರು ಔಷಧ ರೂಪದಲ್ಲಿ ದನಗಳ ಮೇದೋಜೀರಕ ಗ್ರಂಥಿಗಳಿಂದ ತೆಗೆದ ಇನ್ಸೂಲಿನನ್ನೇ ಬಳಸುತ್ತಾರೆ. ರಕ್ತದ ಒತ್ತಡ ತೀರ ಕಡಿಮೆ ಆದರೆ ಅದನ್ನು ಹೆಚ್ಚಿಸಲೆಂದು ದನದ ಆಡ್ರಿನಾಲಿನ್ ಗ್ರಂಥಿಯಿಂದ ತೆಗೆದ ಎಪಿನಾಫ್ರಿನ್ ಎಂಬ ಔಷಧವನ್ನೇ ಡಾಕ್ಟರ್‌ಗಳು ಶಿಫಾರಸು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಹೃದ್ರೋಗದ ಶಸ್ತ್ರಚಿಕಿತ್ಸೆಯ ಸಮಯದಲ್ಲೂ ಇದು ಜೀವರಕ್ಷಕ ಔಷಧವಾಗಿ ಬಳಕೆಯಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ದನಗಳ ಯಕೃತ್ತಿನಿಂದ ತೆಗೆದ ‘ಲಿವರ್ ಎಕ್ಸ್‌ಟ್ರ್ಯಾಕ್ಟ್’ ಎಂಬ ದ್ರವ್ಯವನ್ನು ಬಿ-12 ಜೀವಸತ್ವ ಕೊರತೆ ಇದ್ದವರಿಗೆ ಕೊಡಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಮಿದುಳಿಗೆ ಏಟು ಬಿದ್ದಾಗ ತಲೆ ಬರುಡೆಯ ಚಿಕಿತ್ಸೆ ಮಾಡಿ ಕೆಲವು ಭಾಗಗಳನ್ನು ತೆಗೆಯಬೇಕಾಗಿ ಬಂದರೆ, ಆ ಖಾಲಿ ಸ್ಥಳದಲ್ಲಿ ದನದ ಮಿದುಳಿನ ನಾರಿನಂಥ ಕವಚದಿಂದ ತಯಾರಿಸಿದ ಡ್ಯೂರಾ ಮೇಟರ್ ಎಂಬ ವಸ್ತುವನ್ನು ತುರುಕಿ ಹೊಲಿಗೆ ಹಾಕುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಗರ್ಭಿಣಿಗೆ ಪ್ರಸವದ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ ತೊಂದರೆ ಎದುರಾಯಿತೆ? ಹುಟ್ಟಿದ ಶಿಶುವಿಗೆ ತಾಯಿಯ ಹಾಲೇ ಜೀರ್ಣ ಆಗುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲವೆ? ಹಿರಿಯರ ರಕ್ತ ನಾಳದಲ್ಲಿ ಗಂಟು ಕಂಡುಬಂತೆ? ಹೊಟ್ಟೆ ತಳಮಳ ಎನ್ನುತ್ತಿದೆಯೆ? ಆಸ್ತಮಾ ಸಮಸ್ಯೆ ಎದುರಾಯಿತೆ? ಎಲ್ಲಕ್ಕೂ ಸ್ಟೀರಾಯ್ಡ್ ಕೊಡಿ; ಎಲ್ಲಕ್ಕೂ ಗೋವಿನ ದೇಹದ ಗಣಿಗಾರಿಕೆ ಮಾಡಿ.

ದನಗಳ ತಾಜಾ ಚರ್ಮವನ್ನು ಯಂತ್ರಗಳ ಮೂಲಕ ಹಿಂಡಿದರೆ ಅದರಿಂದ ಕೊಲಾಜೆನ್ ಎಂಬ ಅಂಟು ಪದಾರ್ಥ ಸ್ರವಿಸುತ್ತದೆ. ಸ್ನಾಯು ಮತ್ತು ಮೂಳೆಗಳನ್ನು ಬಂಧಿಸುವ ಅಂಗಾಂಶದಿಂದಲೂ ಕೊಲಾಜೆನ್ ಪಡೆಯಬಹುದು. ಅದು ಅನೇಕ ವಿಧಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ನಿತ್ಯವೂ ಬಳಕೆಯಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಹಿರಿಯ ನಾಗರಿಕರಿಗೆ ಮೂತ್ರ ನಿಯಂತ್ರಣ ಸಮಸ್ಯೆ ಎದುರಾದರೆ ಇದನ್ನೇ ಚುಚ್ಚುಮದ್ದಿನ ರೂಪದಲ್ಲಿ ರಕ್ತಕ್ಕೆ ಸೇರಿಸುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಆಸ್ಪತ್ರೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ದಿನವೂ ಬಳಕೆಯಾಗುವ ಬ್ಯಾಂಡೇಜ್ ಪಟ್ಟಿಗೆ ಕೊಲಾಜೆನ್ ಲೇಪನ ಇರುತ್ತದೆ. ಗಾಯ ಒಣಗಿದ ನಂತರವೂ ಉಳಿಯುವ ಕಲೆಯನ್ನು ಹೋಗಲಾಡಿಸಲು ಸುರೂಪ ಚಿಕಿತ್ಸಕರು ಇದನ್ನೇ ಬಳಸುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಇಳಿವಯಸ್ಸಿನ ಸಿನಿಮಾ ಕಲಾವಿದರ ಮುಖದ ಸುಕ್ಕುಗಳನ್ನು ನಿವಾರಿಸುವಲ್ಲಿ ಕೊಲಾಜೆನ್ ಪಾತ್ರ ತುಂಬ ಮಹತ್ವದ್ದಾಗಿದೆ. ಕಣ್ಣಿನ ಪೊರೆಯ ನಿವಾರಣೆಗೂ ಇದು ಬೇಕು. ಅನೇಕ ಬಗೆಯ ಸೌಂದರ್ಯ ಪ್ರಸಾಧನಗಳಲ್ಲಿ, ಮುಲಾಮಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಮತ್ತು ನೋವು ನಿವಾರಕ ತೈಲಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಕೊಲಾಜೆನ್ ಇದ್ದೇ ಇರುತ್ತದೆ.

ದನದ ಕೊಬ್ಬನ್ನು ಬಿಸಿನೀರಲ್ಲಿ ಕುದಿಸಿ ಸ್ಟೀರಿಕ್ ಆಸಿಡ್ ಪಡೆಯಬಹುದು. ಇದಂತೂ ಎಲ್ಲ ಸಾಬೂನು, ಶೇವಿಂಗ್ ಕ್ರೀಮು, ಟೂಥ್‌ಪೇಸ್ಟ್, ಪರಿಮಳ ದ್ರವ್ಯ, ಮಕ್ಕಳ ಕ್ರೆಯಾನ್ (ಬಣ್ಣದ ಕಡ್ಡಿ), ಮೋಂಬತ್ತಿ, ಕಾಡಿಗೆ ಎಲ್ಲದರಲ್ಲೂ ಇದನ್ನು ಕಾಣಬಹುದು. ಜೆಟ್ ವಿಮಾನಗಳ ಎಲ್ಲ ಬಿಡಿಭಾಗಗಳೂ ಅಚ್ಚುಕಟ್ಟಾಗಿ ಸದಾ ಕಾಲ ಕೆಲಸ ಮಾಡುವಂತೆ ದನದ ಮೂಳೆ ಮತ್ತು ಕೊಬ್ಬಿನಿಂದ ತೆಗೆದ ಟ್ಯಾಲೊ ಎಂಬ ತೈಲವನ್ನೇ ಕೀಲೆಣ್ಣೆಯಾಗಿ ಬಳಸಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಮೂಳೆ, ಕೊಂಬು, ಗೊರಸು ಇತ್ಯಾದಿ ಬಿಡಿಭಾಗಗಳಿಂದ ತೆಗೆದ ಇದೇ ಟ್ಯಾಲೊವನ್ನು ಶುದ್ಧೀಕರಿಸಿ ಖಾದ್ಯತೈಲಗಳಲ್ಲೂ ಕದ್ದುಮುಚ್ಚಿ ಕಲಬೆರಕೆ ಮಾಡುವವರಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಗೊತ್ತೇ ಆಗುವುದಿಲ್ಲ. ಬೇಕರಿ ಖಾದ್ಯಗಳಲ್ಲಿ, ಕ್ಯಾಂಡಿಗಳಲ್ಲಿ, ಚಾಕೊಲೇಟ್‌ಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಟ್ಯಾಲೊ ಇರುತ್ತದೆ.

ಚರ್ಮದ ಕಡೆ ಮತ್ತೊಮ್ಮೆ ಬರೋಣ. ಕ್ರಿಕೆಟ್ ಚೆಂಡು, ಫುಟ್‌ಬಾಲ್, ವಾಲಿಬಾಲ್, ಬಾಸ್ಕೆಟ್ ಬಾಲ್, ಬೇಸ್‌ಬಾಲ್ ಮುಂತಾದ ಅನೇಕ ಬಗೆಯ ಕ್ರೀಡಾ ಸಾಧನಗಳು, ಕೈಗವಸು, ಕಾಲ್ಗವಚ ಎಲ್ಲಕ್ಕೂ ದನದ ಚರ್ಮವೇ ಬಳಕೆಯಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ದನದ ಕರುಳನ್ನು ಸೀಳಿ, ಸಂಸ್ಕರಿಸಿದ ದಾರಗಳೇ ಟೆನಿಸ್ ಮತ್ತು ಬ್ಯಾಡ್ಮಿಂಟನ್ ರ್‌್ಯಾಕೆಟ್‌ಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಬಳಕೆಯಾಗುತ್ತವೆ. ಇದೇನು ದನದ ಕತೆ ಹೀಗೆ ಚ್ಯೂಯಿಂಗ್ ಗಮ್ ಥರಾ ಎಳೆದಷ್ಟೂ ಬರುತ್ತದಲ್ಲ? ಹೌದ್ರೀ, ಚ್ಯೂಯಿಂಗ್ ಗಮ್ ಕೂಡ ದನದ ಗೊರಸು, ಕೊಂಬುಗಳಿಂದಲೇ ತೆಗೆದ ಜಿಲೆಟಿನ್ ಎಂಬ ಪದಾರ್ಥದಿಂದ ತಯಾರಾಗಿರುತ್ತದೆ.

ಭಾರತೀಯ ಪುರಾಣಗಳ ಪ್ರಕಾರ ಹಿಂದೊಮ್ಮೆ ರಾಕ್ಷಸರು ಬಂದು ದೇವತೆಗಳನ್ನು ಹಿಗ್ಗಾ ಮುಗ್ಗಾ ಬಡಿದರಂತೆ. ಸೋತು ಸುಣ್ಣವಾದ ಇಂದ್ರ ಆಗ ದಧೀಚಿ ಮಹರ್ಷಿಯ ಬಳಿ ಓಡಿ ಬಂದು ಸಹಾಯ ಯಾಚಿಸಿದರಂತೆ. ಆ ಸನ್ಯಾಸಿ ಏನು ಕೊಟ್ಟಾನು? ತನ್ನ ಮೂಳೆಗಳಿಂದಲೇ ವಜ್ರಾಯುಧವನ್ನು ಮಾಡಿಕೊಳ್ಳಿ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳಿ ಪ್ರಾಣ ಬಿಟ್ಟನಂತೆ. ಹಾಲು ಹೈನು ಸೇವಿಸಿದ್ದ ದಧೀಚಿಯ ಮೂಳೆಗಳಿಂದಲೇ ರಾಕ್ಷಸರನ್ನು ಬಗ್ಗು ಬಡಿದು ದೇವತೆಗಳು ಗೆದ್ದರಂತೆ. ಇಂದಿನ ಇಡೀ ಮನುಕುಲವೇ ದನದ ಮೂಳೆ ಮಜ್ಜೆಗಳಿಂದ ತಯಾರಾದ ಸರಕು ಸಾಮಗ್ರಿಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ನಿಂತಂತಿದೆ.

ವಧೆ ಮಾಡದೇ, ಮುದಿ ಗೋವು ತಾನಾಗಿ ಪ್ರಾಣ ಬಿಟ್ಟ ನಂತರವೂ ಇವನ್ನೆಲ್ಲ ಪಡೆಯಲು ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಕೆಲವರು ವಾದಿಸಬಹುದು. ಆದರೆ ಚದುರಿದಂತೆ ಯಾವು ಯಾವುದೋ ಊರುಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರಾಣ ಬಿಡುವ ದನಗಳಿಂದ ಇವನ್ನೆಲ್ಲ ಸಂಗ್ರಹಿಸಲು ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ. ಒಂದೇ ಸ್ಥಳದಲ್ಲಿ ದಿನವೂ ಸಾವಿರಾರು ದನಗಳ ಬಿಡಿಭಾಗಗಳು ಸಿಗುವ ಸ್ಥಳಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಟನ್‌ಗಟ್ಟಲೆ ರಕ್ತವನ್ನು ಸ್ವಯಂಚಾಲಿತ ಬಕೆಟ್‌ಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಸಂಗ್ರಹಿಸಿ, (ಹಾಲನ್ನು ಪುಡಿ ಮಾಡುವ ವಿಧಾನದಲ್ಲೇ) ಕೆಂಪಗೆ ಕಾದ ಗಾಣದ ಮೇಲೆ ಸಿಂಪಡಿಸಿ ಪುಡಿಯನ್ನು ಡಬ್ಬಿಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ಯಾಕ್ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾರೆ. ವಧೆಗೆಂದು ಬಂದ ಪ್ರತಿ ದನದಿಂದಲೂ ಹೆಚ್ಚೆಂದರೆ ಅರ್ಧ ಭಾಗ ಮಾತ್ರ ಆಹಾರಕ್ಕೆ ಬಳಕೆಯಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಇನ್ನರ್ಧ ಭಾಗವನ್ನು ಬೇರೆ ಬೇರೆ ರೂಪಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ನಾವೆಲ್ಲ ಪ್ರತಿ ದಿನವೂ ಬಳಸುತ್ತೇವೆ.

ದನವೆಂಬ ಮೂಕ ಪ್ರಾಣಿಯನ್ನು ನಾವು ಇಷ್ಟೆಲ್ಲ ದೋಚುತ್ತಿದ್ದೇವೆಯೆ ಎಂದು ಕಣ್ಣೀರು ಸುರಿಸಲು ಹೊರಟಿರೊ, ನಿಮಗೆ ಗ್ಲಿಸರೀನ್ ಬೇಕಾಗಬಹುದು. ಅದೂ ದನದ ದೇಹದಿಂದಲೇ ಬರುತ್ತದೆ.

How genetics is settling the Aryan migration debate

How genetics is settling the Aryan migration debate

Tony Joseph

JUNE 17, 2017 00:00 IST

UPDATED: JUNE 17, 2017 03:36 IST

SHARE ARTICLE

Illustration: Deepak HarichandanDeepak Harichandan

New DNA evidence is solving the most fought-over question in Indian history. And you will be surprised at how sure-footed the answer is, writes Tony Joseph

The thorniest, most fought-over question in Indian history is slowly but surely getting answered: did Indo-European language speakers, who called themselves Aryans, stream into India sometime around 2,000 BC – 1,500 BC when the Indus Valley civilisation came to an end, bringing with them Sanskrit and a distinctive set of cultural practices? Genetic research based on an avalanche of new DNA evidence is making scientists around the world converge on an unambiguous answer: yes, they did.

This may come as a surprise to many — and a shock to some — because the dominant narrative in recent years has been that genetics research had thoroughly disproved the Aryan migration theory. This interpretation was always a bit of a stretch as anyone who read the nuanced scientific papers in the original knew. But now it has broken apart altogether under a flood of new data on Y-chromosomes (or chromosomes that are transmitted through the male parental line, from father to son).

Lines of descent

Until recently, only data on mtDNA (or matrilineal DNA, transmitted only from mother to daughter) were available and that seemed to suggest there was little external infusion into the Indian gene pool over the last 12,500 years or so. New Y-DNA data has turned that conclusion upside down, with strong evidence of external infusion of genes into the Indian male lineage during the period in question.

The reason for the difference in mtDNA and Y-DNA data is obvious in hindsight: there was strong sex bias in Bronze Age migrations. In other words, those who migrated were predominantly male and, therefore, those gene flows do not really show up in the mtDNA data. On the other hand, they do show up in the Y-DNA data: specifically, about 17.5% of Indian male lineage has been found to belong to haplogroup R1a (haplogroups identify a single line of descent), which is today spread across Central Asia, Europe and South Asia. Pontic-Caspian Steppe is seen as the region from where R1a spread both west and east, splitting into different sub-branches along the way.

The paper that put all of the recent discoveries together into a tight and coherent history of migrations into India was published just three months ago in a peer-reviewed journal called ‘BMC Evolutionary Biology’. In that paper, titled “A Genetic Chronology for the Indian Subcontinent Points to Heavily Sex-biased Dispersals”, 16 scientists led by Prof. Martin P. Richards of the University of Huddersfield, U.K., concluded: “Genetic influx from Central Asia in the Bronze Age was strongly male-driven, consistent with the patriarchal, patrilocal and patrilineal social structure attributed to the inferred pastoralist early Indo-European society. This was part of a much wider process of Indo-European expansion, with an ultimate source in the Pontic-Caspian region, which carried closely related Y-chromosome lineages… across a vast swathe of Eurasia between 5,000 and 3,500 years ago”.

In an email exchange, Prof. Richards said the prevalence of R1a in India was “very powerful evidence for a substantial Bronze Age migration from central Asia that most likely brought Indo-European speakers to India.” The robust conclusions of Prof. Richards and his team rest on their own substantive research as well as a vast trove of new data and findings that have become available in recent years, through the work of genetic scientists around the world.

Peter Underhill, scientist at the Department of Genetics at the Stanford University School of Medicine, is one of those at the centre of the action. Three years ago, a team of 32 scientists he led published a massive study mapping the distribution and linkages of R1a. It used a panel of 16,244 male subjects from 126 populations across Eurasia. Dr. Underhill’s research found that R1a had two sub-haplogroups, one found primarily in Europe and the other confined to Central and South Asia. Ninety-six per cent of the R1a samples in Europe belonged to sub-haplogroup Z282, while 98.4% of the Central and South Asian R1a lineages belonged to sub-haplogroup Z93. The two groups diverged from each other only about 5,800 years ago. Dr. Underhill’s research showed that within the Z93 that is predominant in India, there is a further splintering into multiple branches. The paper found this “star-like branching” indicative of rapid growth and dispersal. So if you want to know the approximate period when Indo-European language speakers came and rapidly spread across India, you need to discover the date when Z93 splintered into its own various subgroups or lineages. We will come back to this later.

So in a nutshell: R1a is distributed all over Europe, Central Asia and South Asia; its sub-group Z282 is distributed only in Europe while another subgroup Z93 is distributed only in parts of Central Asia and South Asia; and three major subgroups of Z93 are distributed only in India, Pakistan, Afghanistan and the Himalayas. This clear picture of the distribution of R1a has finally put paid to an earlier hypothesis that this haplogroup perhaps originated in India and then spread outwards. This hypothesis was based on the erroneous assumption that R1a lineages in India had huge diversity compared to other regions, which could be indicative of its origin here. As Prof. Richards puts it, “the idea that R1a is very diverse in India, which was largely based on fuzzy microsatellite data, has been laid to rest” thanks to the arrival of large numbers of genomic Y-chromosome data.

Gene-dating the migration

Now that we know that there WAS indeed a significant inflow of genes from Central Asia into India in the Bronze Age, can we get a better fix on the timing, especially the splintering of Z93 into its own sub-lineages? Yes, we can; the research paper that answers this question was published just last year, in April 2016, titled: “Punctuated bursts in human male demography inferred from 1,244 worldwide Y-chromosome sequences.” This paper, which looked at major expansions of Y-DNA haplogroups within five continental populations, was lead-authored by David Poznik of the Stanford University, with Dr. Underhill as one of the 42 co-authors. The study found “the most striking expansions within Z93 occurring approximately 4,000 to 4,500 years ago”. This is remarkable, because roughly 4,000 years ago is when the Indus Valley civilization began falling apart. (There is no evidence so far, archaeologically or otherwise, to suggest that one caused the other; it is quite possible that the two events happened to coincide.)

The avalanche of new data has been so overwhelming that many scientists who were either sceptical or neutral about significant Bronze Age migrations into India have changed their opinions. Dr. Underhill himself is one of them. In a 2010 paper, for example, he had written that there was evidence “against substantial patrilineal gene flow from East Europe to Asia, including to India” in the last five or six millennia. Today, Dr. Underhill says there is no comparison between the kind of data available in 2010 and now. “Then, it was like looking into a darkened room from the outside through a keyhole with a little torch in hand; you could see some corners but not all, and not the whole picture. With whole genome sequencing, we can now see nearly the entire room, in clearer light.”

Dr. Underhill is not the only one whose older work has been used to argue against Bronze Age migrations by Indo-European language speakers into India. David Reich, geneticist and professor in the Department of Genetics at the Harvard Medical School, is another one, even though he was very cautious in his older papers. The best example is a study lead-authored by Reich in 2009, titled “Reconstructing Indian Population History” and published in Nature . This study used the theoretical construct of “Ancestral North Indians” (ANI) and “Ancestral South Indians” (ASI) to discover the genetic substructure of the Indian population. The study proved that ANI are “genetically close to Middle Easterners, Central Asians, and Europeans”, while the ASI were unique to India. The study also proved that most groups in India today can be approximated as a mixture of these two populations, with the ANI ancestry higher in traditionally upper caste and Indo-European speakers. By itself, the study didn’t disprove the arrival of Indo-European language speakers; if anything, it suggested the opposite, by pointing to the genetic linkage of ANI to Central Asians.

However, this theoretical structure was stretched beyond reason and was used to argue that these two groups came to India tens of thousands of years ago, long before the migration of Indo-European language speakers that is supposed to have happened only about 4,000 to 3,500 years ago. In fact, the study had included a strong caveat that suggested the opposite: “We caution that ‘models’ in population genetics should be treated with caution. While they provide an important framework for testing historical hypothesis, they are oversimplifications. For example, the true ancestral populations were probably not homogenous as we assume in our model but instead were likely to have been formed by clusters of related groups that mixed at different times.” In other words, ANI is likely to have resulted from multiple migrations, possibly including the migration of Indo-European language speakers.

The spin and the facts

But how was this research covered in the media? “Aryan-Dravidian divide a myth: Study,” screamed a newspaper headline on September 25, 2009. The article quoted Lalji Singh, a co-author of the study and a former director of the Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology (CCMB), Hyderabad as saying: “This paper rewrites history… there is no north-south divide”. The report also carried statements such as: “The initial settlement took place 65,000 years ago in the Andamans and in ancient south India around the same time, which led to population growth in this part. At a later stage, 40,000 years ago, the ancient north Indians emerged which in turn led to rise in numbers there. But at some point in time, the ancient north and the ancient south mixed, giving birth to a different set of population. And that is the population which exists now and there is a genetic relationship between the population within India.” The study, however, makes no such statements whatsoever — in fact, even the figures 65,000 and 40,000 do not figure it in it!

This stark contrast between what the study says and what the media reports said did not go unnoticed. In his column for Discover magazine, geneticist Razib Khan said this about the media coverage of the study: “But in the quotes in the media the other authors (other than Reich that is – ed) seem to be leading you to totally different conclusions from this. Instead of leaning toward ANI being proto-Indo-European, they deny that it is.”

Let’s leave that there, and ask what Reich says now, when so much new data have become available? In an interview with Edge in February last year, while talking about the thesis that Indo-European languages originated in the Steppes and then spread to both Europe and South Asia, he said: “The genetics is tending to support the Steppe hypothesis because in the last year, we have identified a very strong pattern that this ancient North Eurasian ancestry that you see in Europe today, we now know when it arrived in Europe. It arrived 4500 years ago from the East from the Steppe…” About India, he said: “In India, you can see, for example, that there is this profound population mixture event that happens between 2000 to 4000 years ago. It corresponds to the time of the composition of the Rigveda, the oldest Hindu religious text, one of the oldest pieces of literature in the world, which describes a mixed society…” In essence according to Reich, in broadly the same time frame, we see Indo-European language speakers spreading out both to Europe and to South Asia, causing major population upheavals.

The dating of the “profound population mixture event” that Reich refers to was arrived at in a paper that was published in the American Journal of Human Genetics in 2013, and was lead authored by Priya Moorjani of the Harvard Medical School, and co-authored, among others, by Reich and Lalji Singh. This paper too has been pushed into serving the case against migrations of Indo-European language speakers into India, but the paper itself says no such thing, once again!

Here’s what it says in one place: “The dates we report have significant implications for Indian history in the sense that they document a period of demographic and cultural change in which mixture between highly differentiated populations became pervasive before it eventually became uncommon. The period of around 1,900–4,200 years before present was a time of profound change in India, characterized by the de-urbanization of the Indus civilization, increasing population density in the central and downstream portions of the Gangetic system, shifts in burial practices, and the likely first appearance of Indo-European languages and Vedic religion in the subcontinent.”

The study didn’t “prove” the migration of Indo-European language speakers since its focus was different: finding the dates for the population mixture. But it is clear that the authors think its findings fit in well with the traditional reading of the dates for this migration. In fact, the paper goes on to correlate the ending of population mixing with the shifting attitudes towards mixing of the races in ancient texts. It says: “The shift from widespread mixture to strict endogamy that we document is mirrored in ancient Indian texts.”

So irrespective of the use to which Priya Moorjani et al’s 2013 study is put, what is clear is that the authors themselves admit their study is fully compatible with, and perhaps even strongly suggests, Bronze Age migration of Indo-European language speakers. In an email to this writer, Moorjani said as much. In answer to a question about the conclusions of the recent paper of Prof. Richards et al that there were strong, male-driven genetic inflows from Central Asia about 4,000 years ago, she said she found their results “to be broadly consistent with our model”. She also said the authors of the new study had access to ancient West Eurasian samples “that were not available when we published in 2013”, and that these samples had provided them additional information about the sources of ANI ancestry in South Asia.

One by one, therefore, every single one of the genetic arguments that were earlier put forward to make the case against Bronze Age migrations of Indo-European language speakers have been disproved. To recap:

1. The first argument was that there were no major gene flows from outside to India in the last 12,500 years or so because mtDNA data showed no signs of it. This argument was found faulty when it was shown that Y-DNA did indeed show major gene flows from outside into India within the last 4000 to 4,500 years or so, especially R1a which now forms 17.5% of the Indian male lineage. The reason why mtDNA data behaved differently was that Bronze Age migrations were severely sex-biased.

2. The second argument put forward was that R1a lineages exhibited much greater diversity in India than elsewhere and, therefore, it must have originated in India and spread outward. This has been proved false because a mammoth, global study of R1a haplogroup published last year showed that R1a lineages in India mostly belong to just three subclades of the R1a-Z93 and they are only about 4,000 to 4,500 years old.

3. The third argument was that there were two ancient groups in India, ANI and ASI, both of which settled here tens of thousands of years earlier, much before the supposed migration of Indo-European languages speakers to India. This argument was false to begin with because ANI — as the original paper that put forward this theoretical construct itself had warned — is a mixture of multiple migrations, including probably the migration of Indo-European language speakers.

Connecting the dots

Two additional things should be kept in mind while looking at all this evidence. The first is how multiple studies in different disciplines have arrived at one specific period as an important marker in the history of India: around 2000 B.C. According to the Priya Moorjani et al study, this is when population mixing began on a large scale, leaving few population groups anywhere in the subcontinent untouched. The Onge in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands are the only ones we know to have been completely unaffected by what must have been a tumultuous period. And according to the David Poznik et al study of 2016 on the Y-chromosome, 2000 B.C. is around the time when the dominant R1a subclade in India, Z93, began splintering in a “most striking” manner, suggesting “rapid growth and expansion”. Lastly, from long-established archaeological studies, we also know that 2000 BC was around the time when the Indus Valley civilization began to decline. For anyone looking at all of these data objectively, it is difficult to avoid the feeling that the missing pieces of India’s historical puzzle are finally falling into place.

The second is that many studies mentioned in this piece are global in scale, both in terms of the questions they address and in terms of the sampling and research methodology. For example, the Poznik study that arrived at 4,000-4,500 years ago as the dating for the splintering of the R1a Z93 lineage, looked at major Y-DNA expansions not just in India, but in four other continental populations. In the Americas, the study proved the expansion of haplogrop Q1a-M3 around 15,000 years ago, which fits in with the generally accepted time for the initial colonisation of the continent. So the pieces that are falling in place are not merely in India, but all across the globe. The more the global migration picture gets filled in, the more difficult it will be to overturn the consensus that is forming on how the world got populated.

Nobody explains what is happening now better than Reich: “What’s happened very rapidly, dramatically, and powerfully in the last few years has been the explosion of genome-wide studies of human history based on modern and ancient DNA, and that’s been enabled by the technology of genomics and the technology of ancient DNA. Basically, it’s a gold rush right now; it’s a new technology and that technology is being applied to everything we can apply it to, and there are many low-hanging fruits, many gold nuggets strewn on the ground that are being picked up very rapidly.”

So far, we have only looked at the migrations of Indo-European language speakers because that has been the most debated and argued about historical event. But one must not lose the bigger picture: R1a lineages form only about 17.5 % of Indian male lineage, and an even smaller percentage of the female lineage. The vast majority of Indians owe their ancestry mostly to people from other migrations, starting with the original Out of Africa migrations of around 55,000 to 65,000 years ago, or the farming-related migrations from West Asia that probably occurred in multiple waves after 10,000 B.C., or the migrations of Austro-Asiatic speakers such as the Munda from East Asia the dating of which is yet to determined, and the migrations of Tibeto-Burman speakers such as the Garo again from east Asia, the dating of which is also yet to be determined.

What is abundantly clear is that we are a multi-source civilization, not a single-source one, drawing its cultural impulses, its tradition and practices from a variety of lineages and migration histories. The Out of Africa immigrants, the pioneering, fearless explorers who discovered this land originally and settled in it and whose lineages still form the bedrock of our population; those who arrived later with a package of farming techniques and built the Indus Valley civilization whose cultural ideas and practices perhaps enrich much of our traditions today; those who arrived from East Asia, probably bringing with them the practice of rice cultivation and all that goes with it; those who came later with a language called Sanskrit and its associated beliefs and practices and reshaped our society in fundamental ways; and those who came even later for trade or for conquest and chose to stay, all have mingled and contributed to this civilization we call Indian. We are all migrants.

Tony Joseph is a writer and former editor of BusinessWorld. Twitter: @tjoseph0010

What’s happened very rapidly, dramatically, and powerfully in the last few years has been the explosion of genome-wide studies of human history based on modern and ancient DNA, and that’s been enabled by the technology of genomics and the technology of ancient DNA….”

David Reich,

Geneticist and professor, Harvard Medical School

https://www.google.co.in/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0ahUKEwiK15qW68nUAhVLwI8KHSG1BToQFggyMAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.thehindu.com%2F&usg=AFQjCNFXsJeAETkJzVsBkfuvAoBLCDysbQ

Fixing what isn’t broken: Why is Udupi’s well-run district hospital getting new private management?

https://scroll.in/pulse/840412/fixing-what-isnt-broken-why-is-udupis-well-run-district-hospital-getting-new-private-management

Fixing what isn’t broken: Why is Udupi’s well-run district hospital getting new private management?

The Karnataka government decided to hand the hospital over to Abu Dhabi businessman BR Shetty but Udupi residents are opposing the move.

Fixing what isn’t broken: Why is Udupi’s well-run district hospital getting new private management?Rekha Naik, who survived pre-eclampsia and delivered twins at Udupi district hospital in May. | Photo credit: Menaka RaoJun 13, 2017 · 02:30 pm
Menaka Rao

On April 24, Hussain Kodibengre and Siraj Ahmed went to the Madras Records Office also known as Tamil Nadu Archives in Chennai. They were looking for records of the Maternity and Children’s Hospital in Udupi, Karnataka. It was an urgent task because the documents could help them in their fight to save the hospital from being taken over by private interests.

The Maternity and Children’s Hospital is the government district hospital in Udupi. In August last year, the Karnataka state government took the decision to hand the hospital over to Abu Dhabi businessman BR Shetty to be managed by him under a public-private-partnership model. The government is leasing the four-acre plot of land on which the hospital stands to Shetty’s BRS Ventures for a “minimum period” of 30 years which may be extended to 60 years on “mutual agreement”. Shetty has promised to turn the current 70-bed hospital into a 400-bedded hospital, of which 200 beds will be reserved for free treatment of people below the poverty line.

Kodibengre and Ahmed are part of a citizens’ group in Udupi that is fighting the decision and has approached the courts. The Judicial Magistrate First Class on April 18 rejected their complaint against the hospital’s handover saying that the citizens’ group has no locus standi to challenge the government’s decision. The citizens’ group then filed a case with the second divisional magistrate court, a matter which is pending now.

The hospital was built in the early 1900s by Udupi resident, founder of Corporation Bank and philanthropist Haji Abdullah. In 1932, Abdullah donated the hospital and adjoining land to the taluka administration, claims the citizens’ group. However, BRS Ventures argued in court that there are no documents showing that Haji Abdullah donated the land. Kodibengre and Ahmed are hoping to find documents to show that Abdullah owned the hospital land to establish the citizens’ group locus standi as complainants.

“We (the family) do not not have any documents related to Haji Abdullah Sahib’s land now,” said Siraj Ahmed, a banker and financial consultant and also Abdullah’s great grandnephew.

Kodibengre, who is the general secretary of Udupi Zilla Muslim Federation, which works for the welfare of poor Muslims, said: “For two days we dug into the records between 1910 to 1935. We could not find a single record about the hospital.”

Citizens of Udupi fighting against the public private partnership for the Maternity and Children's hospital last October. (Photo: Menaka Rao)Citizens of Udupi fighting against the public private partnership for the Maternity and Children’s hospital last October. (Photo: Menaka Rao)

Is change really needed?

Karnataka has a history of public private partnerships for public health but many of these have failed miserably, say public health activists Akhila Vasan and Vijaykumar Seethappa from Karnataka Janaarogya Chaluvali, an organisation of people’s struggle for health rights in Karnataka.

“Once a private entity takes over a public hospital, it brings in its own rules,” said Vasan. “It slowly starts increasing costs and brings in exclusionary criteria. A private hospital always wants (return on) its investments out of the venture. It is not doing this for charity.”

Dr PV Bhandary is a psychiatrist in Udupi who has worked at the district hospital in the past and is part of the citizen’s group fighting the handover.

“We fear that if this model becomes a success (to the point that BRS Ventures starts running the hospital), it will be used everywhere else in the country,” he said.

BRS Ventures' construction site for a 400-bed hospital next to the original district hospital. (Photo: Menaka Rao)BRS Ventures’ construction site for a 400-bed hospital next to the original district hospital. (Photo: Menaka Rao)

The National Health Policy 2017 espouses both partnerships with private companies to deliver healthcare services as well as strategic purchasing of health services from private players, especially in areas where the public health system falls short. But are public healthcare services failing at the Udupi District Maternal and Children Hospital? Does it fit the criterion for such a change in management?

Low maternal mortality

The hospital is clean and seems well run. There was a water shortage in May, but Matron Violet D’Souza insisted that the hospital was cleaned as it always is. D’Souza does not remember the last time a woman in labour died at the hospital. She had heard that one woman died in their hospital about 13 years ago.

In India, 174 women die for every one lakh live births in the country and maternal deaths at district hospitals are not uncommon in other parts of India.

“There have been only two maternal deaths last year in the district,” said Dr Rohini, district health officer in Udupi. This statistic is remarkable considering that the hospital attends to about 200 women in labour every month, according to senior gynaecologist at the hospital Dr Kishori P. That translates to 2,400 women who give birth to children at the district hospital every year. In fact, Udupi has a lowest maternal mortality rate in Karnataka. Half these women undergo C-sections. C-sections are as performed as often at other district hospitals across India for lack of infrastructure and qualified medical staff.

The hospital demonstrated its efficiency in Rekha Naik’s case. The thirty-year-old woman came to the hospital in early May from Padukone village near Kundapura more than 50 km away. She was unable to walk and was carried to the hospital. She was in an advanced stage of pregnancy and suffered from preeclampsia, a high blood pressure condition that can be a fatal. The doctors conducted an emergency C-section and delivered her twin boys.

District hospitals are the largest government hospitals in a district and get referrals from all over the district. Patients are referred to the Udupi hospital from taluka hospitals and primary health centres and sometimes from other districts too.

“We have a higher percentage of C-section deliveries because most of our patients are referred,” said Kishori, referring to the how their these referred patients often have medical complications. “If there is any risk, we conduct a C-section. We do not even want to allow for perinatal deaths.”

The perinatal period is from 22 weeks of pregnancy to seven days after birth of the child.

Vasan said that the low maternal mortality is a sign of robust healthcare and the hallmark of a good district hospital.

The hospital also has a children’s wing with 20 beds and a Nutrition Rehabilitation Centre to treat children with severe acute malnutrition.

Kenchamma (left) is a migrant farm worker from Baghalkot and lives in Udupi's Nitoor slums. Her 18-month-old son Vasant (right) suffers from severe acute malnutrition and is being treated at the Udupi district hospital. (Photo: Menaka Rao)Kenchamma (left) is a migrant farm worker from Baghalkot and lives in Udupi’s Nitoor slums. Her 18-month-old son Vasant (right) suffers from severe acute malnutrition and is being treated at the Udupi district hospital. (Photo: Menaka Rao)

The hospital is also located at the centre of Udupi city and is easily accessible to a large number of people. The rapid urbanisation of Udupi has resulted in a large number of labourers from Odisha, West Bengal and north Karnataka migrating to the temple town. The migrants work in paddy fields, in building construction, in fisheries and other industries. The migrant labourers live in shanties in the city and it is this low-income group that is most dependent on the district hospital for medical and health services. The district hospital refers patients to Manipal’s Kasturba Medical College, a private hospital, if it is unable to handle a case.

When asked if the about the hospital’s current performance, Rohini said, “It is a good hospital.” She refused to comment on the handover.

Doubts about the private partner

Despite the hospital’s good performance, the memorandum of understanding signed by the government and Shetty last year says that the 70-bed hospital is in a “very dilapidated condition”, “acutely insufficient to meet the current demand” and “…as it stands the institution is not in a position to respond to the aspirations and the need of local population.” The memorandum mentions that Shetty approached the government for permission to develop the hospital.

“We admit that the hospital needs some repairs,” said Ahmed. “But that does not mean the hospital should be given away.”

The existing Maternal and Children's Hospital which will be demolished soon. (Photo: Menaka Rao)The existing Maternal and Children’s Hospital which will be demolished soon. (Photo: Menaka Rao)

The hospital staff are worried both about how well the hospital will be run after Shetty’s group takes over and about their own fate. According to agreement with the government, the BRS Ventures will be allowed to hire its own staff to run the hospital. The current staff who are all state government employees will be transferred to other government hospitals across the state.

The MOU states that the hospital will be monitored by a committee consisting of the CEO of Udupi district, the deputy director of health services, the district health officer, the district surgeon and others.

Even though the memorandum of understanding acknowledges that Abdullah donated the hospital land, BRS Ventures’ lawyers say there is no record to show the land was donated.

The only document procured by the group of activists so far is a record of transfer of the land in 1932 from the taluk administration to the erstwhile Madras Presidency. The document lays down the condition that the properties continue to be named Haji Abdullah Dispensary and Haji Budan Lying-in Hospital and that the hospital should “forever” be used to provide free medical aid free of cost. There is still no record that Abdullah owned the hospital and the land.

Document showing transfer of property from the taluk board to the Madras Presidency. Highlighted text shows the conditions laid down during the transfer of the property.Document showing transfer of property from the taluk board to the Madras Presidency. Highlighted text shows the conditions laid down during the transfer of the property.

Many Udupi residents continue to support Ahmed and Kodibengre in their hunt for evidence of Abdullah owning the property, so that they can use it to prevent the hospital from being handed over to BRS Ventures. Many of these supporters want to keep Haji Abdullah’s legacy alive.

“We are getting donations (to fight the case) from known people and also anonymously,” said Ahmed. “There are people who are born in the hospital, especially at a time when hospitals were scarce.”

A doctor who works at the district hospital but did not want to be named said: “If the hospital is run in the right spirit, the handing over of the property to Shetty will work. But, this is a good running system. Why do you want to burn your hands? Why kill a running system?”

This reporting project has been made possible partly by funding from New Venture Fund for Communications.

We welcome your comments at letters

RELATED

Why is Karnataka handing over a public hospital in Udupi to a UAE company for the next 60 years?

Why is Karnataka handing over a public hospital in Udupi to a UAE company for the next 60 years?

TRENDING


  1. Why Gandhi’s favourite bhajan ‘Vaishnav Jan To’ is so important in Modi’s hate-filled India


  2. Ashish Khetan: Look beyond the CBI raids on NDTV. Indian democracy itself is under siege


  3. From economic slowdown to farmers distress: The damage caused by demonetisation begins to hit home


  4. The days when Indian IT workers were paid to do nothing are over


  5. The unique relationship between captain Virat Kohli and keeper MS Dhoni is one India should cherish

Entering Jambri Cave is an Ajalu? ,,,, ಜಾಂಬ್ರಿ ಗುಹೆ ಹೊಗುವುದು ಮತ್ತ ೊಂದು ಅಜಲೇ?!

On May 20, Saturday at 4 pm a debate is being held at Don Bosco Mini Hall, Mangalore.

Perooru Jaru is convening the event, and all interested persons are welcome to participate in the Debate and express their views.

Subject:- Entering Jambri Cave is an Ajalu?

,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,

ಜಾಂಬ್ರಿ ಗುಹೆ ಹೊಗುವುದು ಮತ್ತೊಂದುಅಜಲೇ?

ಮೇ ೨೦ರಂದು ಮಂಗಳೂರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಸಂವಾದ

ಇದೇ ಮೇ ೨೦ರ ಶನಿವಾರ ಸಂಜೆ ೪ ಗಂಟೆಯಮೇಲೆ ಡಾನ್ ಬಾಸ್ಕೋ ಮಿನಿ ಹಾಲ್‌ನಲ್ಲಿ “ ಜಾಂಬ್ರಿ ಮೋಂಟೆ ಪೊಗ್ಗುನು ಡೊಂಜಿ ಅಜಲ?” ಎಂಬ ವಿಷಯದ ಮೇಲೆ ಸಂವಾದ ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ .ಪೇರೂರಿನ ತುಳು ಧರ್ಮ ಸಂಶೋಧನಾ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಆಯೋಜಿಸುವ ಈ ಸಂವಾದದಲ್ಲಿ ಎಲ್ಲರಿಗೂ ತಮ್ಮ ಅಭಿಪ್ರಾಯ ತಿಳಿಸಲು ಮುಕ್ತ ಅವಕಾಶವಿದೆ.

Jambri Cave is situated in Karnataka-Kerala boarder and it is in Tulu Nadu. The Cave entry here indicates exploitation of Hindu caste system. It is a bitter Pill wrapped in a sweet layer of religion. Two Dalit Mogera community youths are selected for this ritual and are renamed as “kaapaadar” and they are made to enter the cave which was closed since TWELVE YEARS and clean it for Brahmin priests to enter without any risk to theirlife.

Kaapaadar means one who saves, here dalit gives first entry into Cave just to make sure that there is no danger hidden in the Cave for upper caste people while they enter the cave after 12 years gap. It is a game plan of upper caste people to ensure that if any danger is hidden in the cave then the dalits who enter first should become the scape-goats and the Brahmin priests who enter later should be safe. After 12 years the cave is cleansed by dalits and then given safety signal, after which only the Brahmin priests enter the cave and perform the Pooja, which is another form of AJALU, and Ajalu has been banned by Karnataka Govt long ago.

How the VHP’s Bajrang Dal makes money by running a protection racket in Mangalore

Scroll.inBOOK EXCERPT

How the VHP’s Bajrang Dal makes money by running a protection racket in Mangalore

The affable manner of forty-year-old Sharan Pampwell, the Mangalore-based leader of the Bajrang Dal in Karnataka, belies his exceptional business acumen. Like a good entrepreneur – obeying the laws of demand and supply – he has put to good use the anxiety felt by local businessmen as a direct result of the Bajrang Dal’s activities. He offers them protection by using the foot soldiers of the very same Hindutva outfit he represents.

“We strictly follow the rules of business,” Sharan tells me as I sit down with him to understand the economics of his politics. “Businessmen are prepared to work with us because we offer them security services at a very reasonable rate.” Politics may once have been the sole reason for the existence of the Bajrang Dal – an aggressive youth brigade of the VHP, in turn an offshoot of the RSS – but in Mangalore, where this organisation is very active today, it is a convincing profit motive that seems to drive its activities.

It works like this: first, the demand is created through the Bajrang Dal’s agitational activities, which range from vigilantism to hooliganism to vandalism.

This creates a sense of insecurity among owners of malls, shops and apartments. Then Eshwari Manpower Solutions Limited, a company owned by Sharan, offers security guards to the terrified businessmen so their fears are assuaged. The manpower for both these activities is drawn from the same pool. “All the supervisors and the majority of the security guards who work for the company are Bajrang Dal karyakartas,” says Sharan. “As the leader of the Bajrang Dal in this city, it is my duty to secure a livelihood for the karyakartas. But I don’t turn away anyone who comes to me for a job. There is enough demand for security guards in the city. Some of our guards are even Muslims.”

Sharan Pampwell has had a meteoric rise in the Bajrang Dal since joining the organisation in 2005. In 2011 he became the convener of the Mangalore division, and in 2014 was given the same designation in the south Karnataka region. In the Bajrang Dal’s organisational structure, the state of Karnataka is divided into two units, north and south, each with its own convener. While in northern Karnataka the Bajrang Dal is weak, in the south it is hyperactive, perhaps far more than in any other part of the country.

With Eshwari Manpower Solutions Limited requiring constant business opportunities, the Bajrang Dal considers its agitational activities crucial to its economic gains under Sharan’s leadership. “I started this business soon after I was made the convener of the Mangalore division. Now I have the security contracts of three malls – City Centre, Forum Fiza and Big Bazar – apart from several shops and apartments in the city,” he said. City Centre at KS Rao Road and Forum Fiza at Pandeshwar are among the largest malls in Mangalore. Big Bazar, located in the Lal Bagh area of the city, is another important shopping complex.

Interestingly, most of the shops in City Centre and Forum Fiza belong to Muslims, the community that is the main target of the Bajrang Dal’s attacks in Mangalore, as in other parts of the country. In Mangalore, however, the anti-Muslim basis of the Bajrang Dal’s politics gives way to communal harmony the moment the Hindutva outfit doubles up as a business firm with minorities as clients.

Sharan tacitly admits this as he demonstrates his entrepreneurial shrewdness.

“We are getting a lot of business from Muslim shopkeepers and mall owners. That is primarily because they have faith in us and in our company.” He maintains silence about the secret of his success among minorities – the fear factor that compels Muslim businessmen to opt for Eshwari Manpower’s security services. “Given the kind of activities they [Bajrang Dal members] indulge in, this is the best way to do your business peacefully,” says a Muslim shop owner in City Centre. “In a city like Mangalore, if you don’t outsource your security to them, you become extremely vulnerable. In the end, it is not a bad deal either. You do not just get security guards from them but also an assurance that you will be spared from any Hindutva activity. After all, one attack is enough to bring down your business.”

The transformation of the Bajrang Dal into a protection racket is not necessarily the natural progression of street-level Hindutva politics. It has been possible in Mangalore because of the widespread perception among businessmen and ordinary citizens that appealing to the police for protection is futile. When the state is unable to rein in troublemakers and the government’s law and order machinery appears overwhelmed by them, perhaps the only option is to cooperate with the perpetrators of criminal culture.

Tulu Debate arranged by Perooru Jaru on 15-4-2017.

Are there seven ancient deities (Bhoota-daiva) named “Elu-Korapolu” OR are these seven deities just newly created by Vaidiks to push the gullible Koraga community into mental slavery of upper castes in the name of newly exploreddeities of Koraga community?

A Debate on April 15 in Mangalore

Tulu Religion Research Centre, Perooru will be convening a debate on the subject “ Are There Seven Korapolu’s in Seven Koppa?” on April 15, Saturday 4 pm at Don Bosco mini hall, Mangalore. All are Welcome. Interestedpersons may participate in the debate and express their valued views on the subject.

****************

“ಏಳು ಕೊರಪೋಳು” ಎಂಬ ಏಳು ಹೆಣ್ಣು ಭೂತ-ದೈವಗಳನ್ನು ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ಕೊರಗ ಜನಾಂಗದವರು ಪುರಾತನ ಕಾಲದಿಂದ ನಂಬುತ್ತಿದ್ದರೆ? ಅಥವಾ ದೈವ-ಭೂತಗಳ ಭಯ ಹುಟ್ಟಿಸಿ ಮುಗ್ಧ ಕೊರಗ ಜನಾಂಗವನ್ನು ತಮ್ಮ ಮಾನಸಿಕ ಗುಲಾಮರನ್ನಾಗಿ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ವೈದಿಕರು ಇತ್ತೀಚೆಗೆ ಹೊಸದಾಗಿ ಹುಟ್ಟು ಹಾಕಿದ ಹೊಸ ದೈವಗಳಾಗಿವೆಯೇ ಇವು?

ಏಳು ಕೊರಪಳರು ಏಳು ಕೊಪ್ಪದಲ್ಲಿದ್ದರೆ ? ಈ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಯಾವುದಾದರೂ ಹಳೆಯ ತುಳು ಪಾಡ್ದನದಲ್ಲಿ ಉಲ್ಲೇಖವಿದೆಯೇ?

ಈ ಹೊಸ ವಿಷಯದ ಮೇಲೆ ತುಳು ಸಾಹಿತಿ ಪೇರೂರು ಜಾರು ಇವರು ಏಪ್ರಿಲ್ ೧೫ ರಂದು ಶನಿವಾರ ಸಂಜೆ ೪ ಗಂಟೆಗೆ ಡಾನ್ ಬಾಸ್ಕೋ ಮಿನಿ ಹಾಲ್ ನಲ್ಲಿ ತುಳು ಸಂವಾದ ಹಮ್ಮಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಎಲ್ಲರಿಗೂ ಸ್ವಾಗತವಿದೆ. ಆಸಕ್ತರು ಮುಕ್ತವಾಗಿ ಭಾಗವಹಿಸಿ ತಮ್ಮ ಅಭಿಪ್ರಾಯ ಹಂಚಿ ಕೊಳ್ಳಬಹುದು.

ಎಪ್ರಿಲ್,23-2017 ರಂದು ಉಡುಪಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬಾಬಾ ಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಡಾ .ಬಿ.ಆರ್.ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜನ್ಮ ದಿನದ ಪ್ರಯುಕ್ತ – ಸಂವಿಧಾ ನ ಸಂರಕ್ಷಣಾ ಜೈಭೀಮ್ ಮಹಾ ರ಻್ಆಲಿ

ಉಡುಪಿ : ಬಾಬಾ ಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಡಾ.ಬಿ.ಆರ್.ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರ 126 ನೇ ಜನ್ಮ ದಿನದ ಪ್ರಯುಕ್ತ ದಲಿತ ದಮನಿತರ ಸ್ವಾಭಿಮಾನಿ ಹೋರಾಟ ಸಮಿತಿ ಮತ್ತು ದಲಿತ ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳ ಒಕ್ಕೂಟ ಜಂಟಿಯಾಗಿ ‘ ಸಂವಿಧಾನ ಸಂರಕ್ಷಣೆಗಾಗಿ – ಜೈಭೀಮ್ ಮಹಾ ರ ್ಯಾಲಿ’ ಯನ್ನು ಹಮ್ಮಿಕೊಂಡಿವೆ.ಅಂದು ಉಡುಪಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಮೂರು ತಾಲೂಕುಗಳಿಂದ ( ಕುಂದಾಪುರ – ಕಾರ್ಕಳ – ಹೆಜಮಾಡಿ) ರಥದ ಮಾದರಿಯ ವಾಹನ ಜಾಥಾ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯಾದ್ಯಂತ ಸಂಚರಿಸಿ, ಸಂವಿಧಾನದ ಮಹತ್ವ , ಪ್ರಸ್ತುತ ದಿನಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಅದನ್ನು ಸಂರಕ್ಷಿಸಬೇಕಾದ ಅವಶ್ಯಕತೆಗಳ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಜನಜಾಗೃತಿಯನ್ನು ಮೂಡಿಸಿ, ಸಂಜೆ ಉಡುಪಿ ನಗರದ ಹೃದಯಭಾಗದ ಜಟ್ಕಾ ಸ್ಟ್ಯಾಂಡ್ ( ಸರ್ವಿಸ್ ಬಸ್ ನಿಲ್ದಾಣದ ಬಳಿ) ಸಮಾರೋಪ ಸಮಾರಂಭ ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ.
ಈ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮ ಮತ್ತು ಜಾಥಾಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ವಾದಿಗಳು, ಜನಪರ ಚಳುವಳಿಗಾರರು ಮತ್ತು ಪ್ರಗತಿಪರ ಹೋರಾಟಗಾರರು ಹೆಚ್ಚಿನ ಸಂಖ್ಯೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾಗವಹಿಸಬೇಕಾಗಿ ಸಮಿತಿಯ ಪ್ರಕಟಣೆ ತಿಳಿಸಿದೆ.