An Interview With Anand Patwardhan

Dear Friends,

Please do read the Interview BELOW with an open mind; it is in the interest of the unity of Left and progressive forces.

Sudhir Vombatkere



An Interview With Anand Patwardhan

in Life/Philosophy — by Vidya Bhushan RawatApril 5, 2017

For over 40 years Anand Patwardhan’s documentary films have stood for freedom of expression. He faced censorship on numerous occasions, took the government to court, and won each time. Anand is not just a filmmaker but an activist in the cause of Indian democracy, clearly under threat today. In this candid conversation with Vidya Bhushan Rawat, Anand discusses his views on the challenges before us, and most importantly, how he perceives both Gandhi and Ambedkar as liberation theologists whose ideas are in danger of being revised by their enemies.

VB: As a freedom lover secularist what is the difference between today’s media and that which existed during the official Emergency in 1975.

AP: The Emergency of 1975 was visible to all. The world condemned it and in India some brave newspapers protested with blank editorials. Within a fairly short time a strong resistance movement grew. Today’s Emergency is largely invisible to the masses because Indian media houses have been corporatized and these corporates, both Indian and foreign, are direct beneficiaries of an economic system that has been surreptitiously imposed on the country not just by the present regime but by forces that were already moving in the same direction but at a slower pace. We have sold our sovereignty to USA and the global corporates and people have been told that this is for our own good. The invisible Emergency of today depends on what Chomsky called “manufactured consent”.

VB: Today we face the biggest challenge to Indian democracy since independence when our civil liberties are under the attack, when freedom of expression is under threat and when media is constructing the ‘news’. Is ‘free media’ now the biggest threat to democracy?

AP: The media is free in the sense that it now has the freedom to tell lies about both, the domestic economy and about national security – lies that parrot an American-Israeli-Saudi axis which created, nurtured and unleashed Al Qaeda and ISIS on the one hand and pretended to “fight terror” on the other.

VB: You have documented major events not only of communal violence but also of violence against Dalits in Maharashtra. After the death of Rohit Vemula, in HCU, JNU and other campuses, students of all ideological frames – from the Left, to Ambedkarites and other Bahujan groups, joined in a common struggle against the ABVP and its attempt to vitiate the climate in the universities. Today that unity appears to be crumbling and we are again at the cross roads. Why ?

AP: The fault lies as much with the Left (of all shades) which is still unclear about how to destroy the caste system within, as with Dalit groups that fall prey to red-baiting and exclusivist identity politics. On one side are traditional Marxists who were brought up to think that caste is part of a superstructure that will automatically wither away when the economic base becomes socialist. On the other side are those who think that the caste of your birth alone forever determines how you think and how you act. Not only is such thinking contrary to the teachings of Dr. Ambedkar, it mirrors the mindset of the worst Manuvadis who believe that caste determines everything.

Luckily reality is proving both positions wrong. I believe that the Left and Dalits are natural allies so it is a matter of time before a genuine, long-lasting unity is forged. People like Govind Pansare, Kanhaiya Kumar and Jignesh Mevani have shown us that this unity is possible. Into this mix I would add progressive Gandhians – people like Narendra Dabholkar and Medha Patkar. Together these forces represent the politics of Reason that this country so desperately needs.

VB: Your film Jai Bhim Comrade was an extraordinary work which brought us back the memories of the struggle for justice of the people of Ramabai Nagar in Mumbai. You screened the film in various places. What were the reactions?

AP: The film as you know took 14 years to make. In the winter of 2011 we screened it in the open air in Dalit bastis across urban Maharashtra. We bought a powerful video projector, made a huge foldable cloth screen, and in each basti erected bamboo scaffolding to mount it on. As the screen was being erected, we played progressive film songs and Dalit movement songs to alert and attract the audience. Often the crowd would swell to well over a 1000 people. As we could not afford so many chairs, people sat on the ground or stood at the back and on the sides for the three hour duration of the film. At the end of the screening we tried to organize a discussion but often instead of a back and forth question and answer session, people just grabbed the mike and poured their hearts out about what the film had meant to them. It was an overwhelming experience for me. Later I began to understand the reasons for this amazing response. Although in the bastis, little of the hardship shown in the film was unknown to people, the fact that the film presented its protagonists not as victims but as resisters, was a morale booster. The genre of music heard in the film was in danger of either dying out or getting commercialized, so the film, so full of these songs captured over decades, served as a valuable archive. Lastly the politics of the film was appreciated, as it did not pull punches. It called to task not only sections of the Left for not recognizing the primacy of caste, but also Dalit leaders who were being lured by Manuvadi Hindutva to betray the legacy of Dr. Ambedkar.

Much later I began to show the film in colleges and schools and other middle class and elite circles. Here the response was enthusiastic but very different from that in the bastis. Even though people generally appreciated the film, almost invariably someone would ask about the evils of “reservations”. It was as if the audience had been blind and deaf to what they had just seen. After 3000 years where manual scavenging has been reserved for one caste alone and education has been forbidden, was it not time to reserve education seats for the dispossessed? In the end after long discussions, we agreed that reservations could be done away with only when the children of the rich and the children of the poor start going to the same schools – from the primary to the college level. Such prolonged inter-caste, inter-class contact could also open the door for inter-caste marriages. Many generations of such mixed marriages could finally end the caste system. This sounds idealistic but in my view this is the only way to finally end caste – when bloodlines become so mixed that no one can clearly say what caste they come from.

VB: Do you think that as secular activists we have not been able to communicate to common people in the language they understand or have failed to use the great secular legacy of India which was radical and rational as well?

AP: In general this is true but in particular some people are genuinely trying to address this. Of course the task is huge and we are up against a fascist force in the Brahminist RSS that has created a hydra-headed, cadre based organization that indoctrinates people in the name of cultural and religious pride, as well as today, of fake nationalism. In the early days they attracted mainly Brahmins. Today they are drawing in all castes and tribes that can be mobilized against their stated three enemies – Muslims, Christians and Communists. Religious culture and right wing politics is a potent combination and we rationalists have so far failed to match the organizational genius that runs this fascist machine.

VB: This government has been in hyper-active mode to keep people busy but if we analyse their actions we find clear attempts to divide people and polarize the debate. It started with their favorite topics like ‘Gaay’, Ganga, Rastrawaad, beef, Jana Gana Mana and then to Kashmir. Things went horribly wrong in Kashmir and the last part was a surgical strike but that too was questioned. Then came demonetization which hurt the poorest of the poor but was dressed up to look like an attack on “black money” and the rich. Each act is commonly linked, in my opinion, to privatizing our national resources and creating business for crony capital.

AP: Yes, there is a clear strategy. Nothing in the Hindutva Parivar happens ad hoc or without central planning. At the same time perhaps Modi and Amit Shah have surprised even their own cadre by their willingness to be brutal and dishonest. Demonetization is an example. Even the direct beneficiaries, like the crony capitalists who emptied the banks and refused to pay back their loans must have been surprised at how the poor were squeezed to fill the bank coffers up again and then sold the idea that this was a strike on the unscrupulous rich. Even when all the “black money” came back into the banks and became white money, no question was raised while thousands of jobs were lost across the nation. It may be the undoing of Modi in the long run but in the short term he is still fooling most of the people most of the time.

VB: Communalism or I would call it Brahminism has joined hands with capitalism here but the resistance too is stronger. Unfortunately, political parties are unable to join hands with their egos and brinkmanship for votes. Will people’s pressure bring them together?

AP: At the moment there is no visible peoples’ pressure. There is visible suffering but the anger is not yet visible. Let us see if it manifests later.

VB: Do you feel that the Indian way of secularism i.e. equal respect to all religions, or what we call Sarva Dharma Samabhava is damaging the cause of social change as it allows religious dogmatics to hijack the leadership of different communities? There is a virtual competition between the religious right taking place in the polity thereby denying common persons of all communities the means to counter them. How do we respond to it?

AP: All over the world rationalists have found that religion that has existed for centuries is hard to stamp out and some form of co-existence is the norm in most secular countries. After the Soviet Revolution, St. Petersburg became Leningrad but in 1991 it became St. Petersburg again.

In India, both Gandhi and Ambedkar recognized that this country was so steeped in the idiom of religion that atheism or pure rationality would not be easily accepted by the masses. I consider Gandhi and Ambedkar, each in their own right, to be liberation theologists. Of course, Gandhi unlike Ambedkar, did not choose his own religion, he inherited it. But to whatever he inherited, he applied post-Enlightenment ethical values that were essentially modern. When he began to do manual scavenging and began to advocate this (even force it) on to his followers, he actually destroyed the very basis of the Pollution/Purity dichotomy that is at the heart of the caste system. Theoretically he for a long time infamously clung to the concept of Varnashram Dharma, but in actual deed he destroyed it the day he took up manual scavenging, a job that had been hitherto reserved for the so-called ‘untouchables’. As time went on Gandhi became ever more radical. He clearly learned from Dr. Ambedkar as well as from his own intuitive understanding of the world he was witnessing. For instance, towards the latter stages of his life, Gandhi refused to attend any marriage that was not an inter-caste marriage. By the end of his life he had fashioned out of his inherited Hinduism, something entirely new. Only the idiom remained, and not the original hierarchical Sanatan dharma. Whether his reluctance to discard the idiom was a practical decision that stemmed from a desire to remain in touch with the vast Indian masses in a language they could easily follow, or from his own inner belief system, is something that can be debated, but is of no great interest to me. What is unmistakable is that Gandhi’s ethical code bears little resemblance to the hierarchical and vengeful structure of traditional Hinduism.

Dr. Ambedkar in some ways was more fortunate than Gandhi in that he clearly saw how oppressive the religion of his birth was, being as he was, a direct victim of it. So he discarded it and searched for the best alternative to it. After examining many religions he finally chose the religion that was closest to Reason. Buddhism is the one world religion that does not posit an external, all-knowing God. However it has a very strong ethical core that Dr. Ambedkar highlighted. At the same time he discarded irrational and unproveable Buddhist tenets like Reincarnation that many traditional Buddhists ardently follow. This is why I see both Ambedkar and Gandhi as liberation theologists. In the same way that Left wing priests like Ernesto Cardinale in Latin America, a minister in Nicaragua’s revolutionary Sandinista government, re-interpreted Jesus Christ as a revolutionary who fought and died for justice to the poor and powerless, Gandhi and Ambedkar gave new ethical meaning to the religions they adopted and adapted.

Make no mistake that I am equating the two. Their differences are obvious. One came from a privileged caste, the other from the most oppressed. One was educated in a limited sense and steeped in traditional religion in his formative years while the other came from a caste denied the right to education and rose to become the best-read and easily the greatest intellectual of modern India.

I am not at all blind to the things about Gandhi that are paradoxical and irrational like his life-long demonization of sexuality. Gandhi’s insistence on chastity puts him in the same irrational, patriarchal boat as the priests and monks and nuns of many world religions. To examine this aspect in depth would take a whole chapter. And yet this same sex-denying man, by introducing the Charkha as a weapon of non-violent resistance, brought thousands of women into the mainstream of the Indian freedom movement.

I realize that I have let my stream of consciousness diverge from your original question. To get back to the issue about whether Sarva Dharma Samabhava can take the place of constitutionally guaranteed secular democratic rights, I think it cannot. We need Dr. Ambedkar’s Constitution much more than we need holy books. And yet as many in our country are still hooked to holy books and unholy pretenders, we need liberation theologists who can help people to culturally discard the worst features of their inherited religious culture and replace these with ethical, just and non-exclusivist interpretations.

Waiting for everyone to become atheist or rationalist may take centuries. Ethics is the answer. Small wonder that Ambedkar and Gandhi, each in their own way, arrived at individual definitions of Ahimsa.

VB: In post-Mandal India communities are seeking their space in the polity. In the earlier phase of secularism the Indian elite always kept the marginalised communities like Dalits, OBCs, Muslims outside the gates of their decision making bodies and public platforms but things are changing now. Very unfortunately more than the seculars it is the communalists who are jumping into identity politics and social engineering. Meanwhile communist parties still retain their upper caste leadership. Will we be able to face the challenge in such a way?

AP: Actually identity politics is a double-edged weapon. As long as oppression of identifiable groups exists, it is perfectly legitimate for oppressed groups to unite according to their identity. “Black is beautiful” was a necessary movement for Afro-Americans in the USA, just as pride in Dalit or Buddhist identity is necessary in India. The trouble begins when this turns into an exclusivist or separatist movement. Malcolm X went through a Black Muslim phase when he described all white people as “devils”. But in the latter stages of his life he completely rejected this theory for a much more inclusive critique of injustice and inequality. That is when the American deep State killed him. Similarly while a broad section of Dalits are inclusive and fully understand the distinction Dr. Ambedkar made between the ideology of Brahminism and individuals who happen to be born into one or the other “upper” castes, there is a tiny section of separatist Dalits today who see birth as the sole determining factor. The fact that Western post-modern academia encourages such identity politics in preference to class analysis has given this form of separatist politics international acceptance. Meanwhile in India Manuvadi forces feel obvious glee when Dalits attack the Left or Gandhi, as both have long been the enemies of Hindutva.

VB: Hindutva people are expert in appropriating icons who are secular. They used Ambedkar, Bhagat Singh, Vivekananda, Subhash Chandra Bose, Sri Narayan Guru etc for their purposes. Is this because an overdose of Gandhi and Nehru’s role in our freedom struggle minimized all other icons that a kind of resentment began against Nehru and Gandhi?

AP: Frankly I am not a fan of Subhash Chandra Bose. I cannot swallow his alliance with Hitler and Hirohito. Freedom could not be wrested at such a cost. Vivekanand is also very troubling because he advocated a kind of machismo that I think is deeply problematic. Also what is little known about him is that he was deeply casteist. In fact he seems perfectly suited as a BJP icon. The resentment against Gandhi lies at the heart of the project of Hindutva which is why they killed him first and then attempted to appropriate his glasses and broomstick later. Nehru is hated because his development paradigm goes against the grain of privatization. Ambedkar they do not dare criticize openly these days so the only option is to use his image, minus any content.

VB: Your uncle Achyut Patwardhan was an icon of the socialist movement in India. We heard a lot about his relationship with Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Was there any influence of him on your socio-political thoughts?

AP: Achyutkaka and Aruna Asaf Ali, according to British records, were amongst the most wanted underground leaders of 1942. He ran the underground radio and was a master of disguise amongst other things but in later years he ensured that history erased him. You hardly hear or read about him anywhere because soon after Independence he became disillusioned with mainstream politics. He did educational and social work but he would never discuss the past, even with me. He felt it had all been mostly an illusion. His elder brother, Purshottam (Raokaka to me) was also a freedom fighter and spent over 10 years in British jails. In the 1930’s while he was making an anti-communal speech, Madanlal Pahwa tried to assassinate him but was caught. Raokaka who was a Gandhian socialist, refused to file charges and Pahwa was let off. Later this same Pahwa threw a bomb at Gandhi and was part of the conspiracy that finally killed him.

To answer your next question, it is true that in the decade of the 1930’s Dr. Ambedkar spent several months living, writing and studying at our family farm home in Ahmednagar, but this again is a chapter of history that has been irretrievably lost. Raokaka like Achyut left active politics after Independence and both, by their own choice, were written out of history. I have heard that Dr. Ambedkar and Achyutkaka were friends and met when Achyutkaka was underground, but I have no documents about this. What I do know is that my family opposed the caste system and many married outside their own caste, including my parents.

VB: You have always tried to bring together not only left and Ambedkarites but also what you call ‘Progressive Gandhians’. Why are you using this term ? You have been critical of people who as you say ‘blow out of proportion’ the differences between Gandhi and Ambedkar. Many of the Ambedkarites feel it quite disturbing?

AP: I must speak the truth as I see it. I have always felt that the affinities between Gandhi and Ambedkar are greater than their differences. They were both egalitarian humanists at heart. It may not win me any popularity contest today but I think those who are ready to set prejudice aside and undertake a proper historical study will come around to this point of view. Take the act of “Satyagraha”, a term coined by Gandhi. Ambedkar used this very term and form of struggle to launch his Mahad Satyagraha to claim drinking water rights. There are many other examples of common ideas and action. I was pleasantly shocked to read what Dr. Ambedkar had to say in 1932 immediately after concluding the now infamous Poona Pact (where the idea of separate electorates for Dalits was abandoned in favour of reserved seats for Dalits). Popular theory is that Ambedkar was blackmailed by Gandhi’s fast-unto-death into accepting a bitter compromise. But Ambedkar’s statement in 1932 after signing the pact was totally different in tone. He had high praise for Gandhi and stated that the “Mahatma” (yes, contrary to popular belief, Ambedkar referred to Gandhi as “Mahatma” at this point in time) offered a much better deal for Dalits in terms of reserved seats than Ambedkar himself had asked or hoped for. There is no denying however that Ambedkar did get disgusted with the Congress in later years. How much of the blame for the failures of Congress are attributable to Gandhi is a matter of discussion and debate. We know that Gandhi’s writ did not work in preventing Partition or the bloodshed that preceded and followed it and that Gandhi did not attend the Independence Day flag hoisting at the Red Fort in Delhi. He was busy fighting the communal inferno in the countryside.

Gandhi had a lot of obscurantist ideas to start with but as time went on he was honest enough to keep evolving. In the end I see him as a great humanist who died for his belief in non-violence and religious universality. He was also an inventive anti-Imperialist (though in his earlier days he had supported the British Empire) and an organic naturalist that today’s madly consumerist, globally warmed world desperately needs. Are most of today’s Gandhians like that? Of course not. That is why I used the term ‘progressive Gandhians’. It describes dedicated non-violent fighters like Medha Patkar, Narendra Dabholkar, the whole Baba Amte family, Sandeep Pande, S.P Udaykumar, Teesta Setalvad, Aruna Roy, Admiral Ramdas, and so many others. It certainly does not include government-fed Gandhians and those Gandhians who jump onto the Hindutva bandwagon as soon as it gathers steam.

Today I believe that all humanists, rationalists and fighters for social and economic justice must unite to fight the usurpers of our democracy and our history.

Vidya Bhushan Rawat is a social and human rights activist. He blogs at vbrawat

ಫೆಬ್ರವರಿ- 25 ರ ಮಂಗಳೂರು ಬಂದ್ ಗೆ ಕ.ಕೋ.ಸೌ.ವೇದಿಕೆ ಯ ವಿರೋಧ ‘ಹಿಂದೂತ್ವ ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳ ಈ ಹರತಾಳ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಪ್ ರೇರಿತ’

ಫೆಬ್ರವರಿ- 25 ರ ಮಂಗಳೂರು ಬಂದ್ ಗೆ ಕ.ಕೋ.ಸೌ.ವೇದಿಕೆಯ ವಿರೋಧ

‘ಹಿಂದೂತ್ವ ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳ ಈ ಹರತಾಳ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಪ್ರೇರಿತ’

ಉಡುಪಿ : ಇದೇ ಬರುವ ಫೆಬ್ರವರಿ-25 ರ ಶನಿವಾರ ಮಂಗಳೂರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಕೇರಳ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಪಿಣರಾಯ್ ವಿಜಯನ್ ಅವರ ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮದಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾಗವಹಿಸಲು ಬರುತ್ತಿದ್ದು, ಅದರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಹಿಂದೂತ್ವ ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳು ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯಾದ್ಯಂತ ಹರತಾಳಕ್ಕೆ ಕರೆ ನೀಡಿರುವುದನ್ನು ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಕೋಮು ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ವೇದಿಕೆಯ ಉಡುಪಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾ ಘಟಕವು ತೀವ್ರವಾಗಿ ಖಂಡಿಸುತ್ತದೆ ಮತ್ತು ಇದೊಂದು ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಪ್ರೇರಿತ ಕಾನೂನು ವಿರೋಧಿ ನಡವಳಿಕೆ ಎಂದು ಅಭಿಪ್ರಾಯಿಸುತ್ತದೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಪಿಣರಾಯ್ ವಿಜಯನ್ ಅವರು ಭಾಗವಹಿಸುವ ಸೌಹಾರ್ದತೆಯ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮಕ್ಕೆ ತನ್ನ ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣ ಬೆಂಬಲವನ್ನು ವ್ಯಕ್ತಪಡಿಸುತ್ತದೆ.

ಹಿಂದೂತ್ವವಾದಿಗಳ ಈ ಹರತಾಳದ ಕರೆಯು ಅವರ ಅಸಹನೆ, ಬಲತ್ಕಾರ ಮತ್ತು ದಬ್ಬಾಳಿಕೆಗಳ
ಫ್ಯಾಸಿಸ್ಟ್ ಮನೋಧರ್ಮದ ಪ್ರತೀಕ ಎಂದು ವೇದಿಕೆ ತಿಳಿಸಬಯಸುತ್ತಿದೆ.

ಪಿಣರಾಯ್ ವಿಜಯನ್ ಅವರು ಕೇರಳ ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಜನತೆಯಿಂದ ಚುನಾಯಿತರಾಗಿ ಸಂವಿಧಾನಾತ್ಮಕವಾಗಿ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿಯಾದವರು. ಅವರು ಜಿಲ್ಲಾಡಳಿತ ಸೂಕ್ತ ಅನುಮತಿಯೊಂದಿಗೆ ನಡೆಯುವ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮದಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾಗವಹಿಸುವ ಸಂವಿಧಾನಾತ್ಮಕ ಹಕ್ಕನ್ನು ಹೊಂದಿದ್ದು, ಅದನ್ನು ತಡೆಯುವುದು ಸಂವಿಧಾನದ ಆಡಳಿತವನ್ನು ವಿರೋಧಿಸಿದಂತೆ ಎಂದು ವೇದಿಕೆ ಭಾವಿಸಿದೆ.

ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರಕಾರವು ಈ ರೀತಿ ಬಲವಂತದ ಬಂದ್ ಗೆ ಕರೆ ನೀಡಿ ಅದನ್ನು ಪ್ರಚುರಪಡಿಸುತ್ತಿರುವ ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ಮತ್ತು ಅದರ ನಾಯಕರುಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ಸೂಕ್ತ ಕಾನೂನು ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕೆಂದು ವೇದಿಕೆ ಒತ್ತಾಯಿಸುತ್ತದೆ. ಒಂದು ವೇಳೆ ಇದರ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾಡಳಿತ ನಿಗಾ ವಹಿಸಿ, ಸೂಕ್ತ ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳದೇ ಇದ್ದಲ್ಲಿ ಮುಂದೆ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಇಂತಹ ಹೀನ ಚಾಳಿ ಮುಂದುವರೆದು ಅದರಿಂದ ಸಮಾಜದ ಸೌಹಾರ್ದತೆ ಮತ್ತು ಶಾಂತಿ ಪಾಲನಾ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಗಳಿಗೆ ಶಾಶ್ವತವಾದ ತೆರೆ ಬೀಳುವ ಸಾಧ್ಯತೆಗಳಿವೆ. ಆದುದರಿಂದ ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿಗಳು ತನ್ನ ನೆರೆ ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿಯವರು ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಅತಿಥಿಯಾಗಿ ಭಾಗವಹಿಸುವ ಈ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮಕ್ಕೆ ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣ ರಕ್ಷಣೆಯನ್ನು ಒದಗಿಸಬೇಕೆಂದು ಒತ್ತಾಯಿಸುತ್ತದೆ.

ಜಿ.ರಾಜಶೇಖರ್, (ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರು)

*ಧರ್ಮ ದ್ವೇಷ ಮತ್ತು ಜಾತಿ ದ್ವೇಷ ಖಂಡಿಸೋಣ, ತುಮಕ ೂರಿನ ಮಾನವತಾ ನಡಿಗೆಯನ್ನು ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸೋಣ*

*ಧರ್ಮ ದ್ವೇಷ ಮತ್ತು ಜಾತಿ ದ್ವೇಷ ಖಂಡಿಸೋಣ,

ತುಮಕೂರಿನ ಮಾನವತಾ ನಡಿಗೆಯನ್ನು ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸೋಣ*

ಜಾತಿ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯ ಬರ್ಬರ ದಾಳಿಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ ಹಿಂಸೆಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಹೊಸ ತಲೆಮಾರಿನ ತರುಣ ತರುಣಿಯರು ಭಾರತದಾದ್ಯಂತ ತಮ್ಮದೇ ರೀತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರತಿಕ್ರಿಯೆ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಪಡಿಸುತ್ತಿರುವ ವಿದ್ಯಮಾನವನ್ನು ನಾವು ನೀವುಗಳು ಗಮನಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದೇವೆ. ಜೆಎನ್ ಯು ಹೋರಾಟ, ಊನಾ ಮಾದರಿಗಳಿಂದ ಪ್ರೇರಿಪಿತಗೊಂಡು ಹಲವು ಚಳವಳಿಗಳು ಚಿಗುರೊಡೆಯುತ್ತಿವೆ. ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದಲ್ಲೂ *ಉಡುಪಿ ಚಲೋ* ಎನ್ನುವಂತಹ ಈ ದಶಕದ ವಿನೂತನ ಚಳವಳಿಗೆ ನಾವೆಲ್ಲರೂ ಸಾಕ್ಷಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದೇವೆ. ಈ ಉಡುಪಿ ಚಲೋ ಚಳವಳಿಯು ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ಪ್ರಗತಿಪರ ವಲಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಭರವಸೆ ಮತ್ತು ಹುಮ್ಮಸ್ಸು ಮೂಡಿಸಿತು.

ಇದಾದ ಒಂದೆರಡು ತಿಂಗಳಿನಲ್ಲಿಯೇ ಸಮಾಜದ ಅಂಚಿಗೆ ಸರಿಯಲ್ಪಟ್ಟ ಆದಿವಾಸಿ ಬುಡಕಟ್ಟುಗಳು ನಿವೇಶನಕ್ಕೋಸ್ಕರ ಹೋರಾಟ ನಡೆಸಿ ಅದು ‘ಮಡಿಕೇರಿ ಚಲೋ’ ರೂಪ ಪಡೆಯಿತು. ಈ ಆದಿವಾಸಿ ಹೋರಾಟ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ವಿವಿಧ ಕಡೆಗೆ ವಿವಿಧ ನಿವೇಶನ ವಂಚಿತರ ಚಳವಳಿಯಾಗಿ ರೂಪಾಂತರಗೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಿದೆ.

ಇಷ್ಟೆಲ್ಲಾ ಪ್ರತಿರೋಧ, ಪ್ರತಿಭಟನೆಗಳ ನಡುವೆಯೂ ದಲಿತ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯದ ಪ್ರಕರಣಗಳೇನೂ ಕಡಿಮೆಯಾಗಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಬಡವರಿಗೆ ನಿವೇಶನ ಸಿಗಲಿಲ್ಲ. ನ್ಯಾಯ ಎನ್ನುವುದು ದಮನಿತ ಜನರಿಗೆ ಮರೀಚಿಕೆಯೇ ಆಗಿದೆ. ಇತ್ತೀಚಿಗೆ ತುಮಕೂರು ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಗುಬ್ಬಿ ತಾಲ್ಲೂಕಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಜಾತಿಗ್ರಸ್ಥ ಮನಸ್ಸುಗಳು ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯ ಸಮುದಾಯಕ್ಕೆ ಸೇರಿದ ಅಭಿಷೇಕ್ ಮೇಲೆ ಪೈಶಾಚಿಕ ದಾಳಿ ನಡೆಸಿದೆ.

ಅಭಿಷೇಕ್ ಮೇಲಿನ ಈ ದಾಳಿ ಮತ್ತು ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಮತ್ತು ಭಾರತದಾದ್ಯಂತ ತೀವ್ರಗೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಿರುವ ದಲಿತ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳ ಮೇಲಿನ ದಾಳಿಗಳ ವಿರುದ್ದ ಫೆಬ್ರವರಿ ೧೬, ೨೦೧೭ ರಂದು ಮತ್ತೊಂದು ಸಂಘಟಿತ ‘ತುಮಕೂರು ಚಲೋ’ ನಡೆಯುತ್ತಿದೆ.

ಈ ‘ತುಮಕೂರು ಚಲೋ’ ವನ್ನು *ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಕೋಮು ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ವೇದಿಕೆ*ಯ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಸಹಭಾಗಿ ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳೂ, ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿಗಳೂ, ಹಿತೈಷಿಗಳು ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿರುವ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ರೀತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸಿ ಯಶಸ್ವಿಗೊಳಿಸಬೇಕೆಂದು ಕೇಳಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತೇವೆ. ತೀವ್ರ ಹಲ್ಲೆಗೊಳಗಾದ ಅಭಿಷೇಕ್ ಗೆ ನ್ಯಾಯ ಕೊಡಿಸುವ ಮೂಲಕ ಮುಂದೆಂದೂ ಅಭಿಷೇಕ್ ನಂತಹ ಪ್ರಕರಣಗಳು ನಡೆಯದಂತೆ ನೋಡಿಕೊಳ್ಳುವುದು ಈ ಸಮಾಜದ ಮತ್ತು ನಮ್ಮ ನಿಮ್ಮೆಲ್ಲರ ಕರ್ತವ್ಯವಾಗಿದೆ. ಮಾತ್ರವಲ್ಲದೇ ತಮಗೆ ಸೂಕ್ತವೆನಿಸುವ ರೀತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಈ ಕೆಳಗಿನ ಸ್ಥಳೀಯ ಚಟುವಟಿಗಳನ್ನು ನಡೆಸಬೇಕೆಂದು ಕೇಳಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತೇವೆ.

* ಫೆಬ್ರವರಿ 16 ರ *ಮಾನವತಾ ಸಮಾವೇಶ*ದಲ್ಲಿ ಹೆಚ್ಚಿನ ಸಂಖ್ಯೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾಗವಹಿಸುವುದು.

* ತಮ್ಮ ತಮ್ಮ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಗಳಿಂದ 2-3 ದಿನ ಮುಂಚಿತವಾಗಿ ಸಾಧ್ಯವಾದಷ್ಟು ಕಾರ್ಯಕರ್ತರನ್ನು ಕಳುಹಿಸಿಕೊಡುವುದು.

* ಅಭಿಷೇಕ್ ಪ್ರಕರಣವನ್ನು ಖಂಡಿಸಿ ಸ್ಥಳೀಯ ಸಭೆಗಳನ್ನು ನಡೆಸುವುದು.

* ತುಮಕೂರು ಚಲೋ ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸಿ ಪತ್ರಿಕಾಗೋಷ್ಠಿ ನಡೆಸುವುದು.

* ಅಭಿಷೇಕ್ ಗೆ ನ್ಯಾಯ ಸಿಗುವಂತೆ ಒತ್ತಾಯಿಸಿ ಸಹಿ ಸಂಗ್ರಹ ನಡೆಸುವುದು.

* ತುಮಕೂರು ಚಲೋ ಯಶಸ್ವಿಗಾಗಿ ದೇಣಿಗೆ ನೀಡುವುದು.

ಇನ್ನೂ ಸ್ಥಳೀಯ ಅನುಕೂಲಕ್ಕೆ ತಕ್ಕಂತೆ ಪೂರಕ ಚಟುವಟಿಕೆಗಳನ್ನು ನಡೆಸಬೇಕಾಗಿ ವಿನಂತಿ.

ತ್ರಿಮೂರ್ತಿ ಡಿ..ಎಂ.

K L Ashok
State Gen.Secretary
Karnataka Komu Souhardha Vedike

ಗಾಂಧೀಜಿಯ ಕೊಲೆ ನೆನಪಿಸಲು – ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಸಂಸ್ಕೃತ ಿ – ಸಹಬಾಳ್ವೆಯ ಪರಂಪರೆಯನ್ನು ಉಳಿಸಲು ಜನವರಿ, 30-2017 ರಂ ದು ಉಡುಪಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ದಿನಾಚರಣೆ

ಗಾಂಧೀಜಿಯ ಕೊಲೆ ನೆನಪಿಸಲು – ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಸಂಸ್ಕೃತಿ – ಸಹಬಾಳ್ವೆಯ ಪರಂಪರೆಯನ್ನು ಉಳಿಸಲು

ಜನವರಿ, 30-2017 ರಂದು ಉಡುಪಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ದಿನಾಚರಣೆ

ಉಡುಪಿ : ಮಹಾತ್ಮಗಾಂಧಿಯವರ ಕೊಲೆಯಾದ ಜನವರಿ, 30 ದಿನವನ್ನು ‘ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ದಿನ’ ವನ್ನಾಗಿ ಆಚರಿಸಬೇಕು ಎಂಬ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಕೋಮು ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ವೇದಿಕೆಯ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಸಮಿತಿಯ ನಿರ್ಧಾರದಂತೆ, ಪ್ರತಿ ವರ್ಷವೂ ಜನವರಿ 30 ರ ದಿನವನ್ನು ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ದಿನವನ್ನಾಗಿ ವೇದಿಕೆ ಆಚರಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ಬರುತ್ತಿದ್ದು, ಅದರಂತೆ ಈ ಬಾರಿಯೂ ಜನವರಿ,30-2017 ನೇ ಸೊಮವಾರ ಉಡುಪಿಯ ಬಸ್ ಸ್ಟ್ಯಾಂಡ್ ಬಳಿಯ ಗಾಂಧಿ ಪ್ರತಿಮೆಯ ಬಳಿ ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ದಿನವನ್ನು ಆಚರಿಸಲು ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಕೋಮು ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ವೇದಿಕೆಯ ಉಡುಪಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾ ಘಟಕ ನಿರ್ಧರಿಸಿದೆ. ಅಂದು ಸಂಜೆ 5.30 ರಿಂದ ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ದಿನಾಚರಣೆಯ ಬಹಿರಂಗ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮ ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ

ಗಾಂಧೀಜಿಯನ್ನು ಕೊಲೆ ಮಾಡುವ ಮೂಲಕ ಸ್ವತಂತ್ರ ಭಾರತದಲ್ಲಿ ಮೊದಲ ಭಯೋತ್ಪಾದನಾ ಕೃತ್ಯ ನಡೆಸಲು ಮುಂದಾಗಿರುವ ವಿಚಾರವನ್ನು ಜನರ ಮುಂದಿಡುವ – ಗಾಂಧಿ ಪ್ರಣೀತ ಧರ್ಮದರ್ಶಿತ್ವವನ್ನೂ ದೂರ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿರುವ, ಸಹಬಾಳ್ವೆಯ ಪರಂಪರೆಯನ್ನು ಹಾಳು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿರುವ ಶಕ್ತಿಗಳಿಗೆ ಸೌಹಾರ್ದತೆಯ ಮಹತ್ವವನ್ನು ನೆನಪಿಸಲು ಮತ್ತು ಗಾಂಧೀಜಿಯವರ ಸಿದ್ಧಾಂತಗಳನ್ನು ಮರೆ ಮಾಚಿ ದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ ಏಕ ಸಂಸ್ಕೃತಿಯನ್ನು ಹೇರ ಹೊರಟು ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಸಂಸ್ಕೃತಿಯನ್ನು ನಾಶ ಮಾಡುವ ಶಕ್ತಿಗಳ ಸಂಚನ್ನು ಬಹಿರಂಗ ಪಡಿಸಿ , ಸಹಬಾಳ್ವೆಯ ಉದಾತ್ತ ಪರಂಪರೆಯನ್ನು ಉಳಿಸಿ – ಬೆಳೆಸುವ ಅಗತ್ಯತೆಯ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಜನಜಾಗೃತಿ ಮೂಡಿಸಲು ಪ್ರಯತ್ನ ನಡೆಸಲಾಗುವುದು. ಜೊತೆಗೆ ಉಡುಪಿಯ ಸೌಹಾರ್ದತೆಯ ಪ್ರತೀಕವಾದ ಹಾಜಿ ಅಬ್ದುಲ್ಲಾ ಸಾಹೇಬರ ನೆನಪನ್ನು ಮತ್ತು ಅವರು ನೀಡಿದ ದಾನ ಪರಂಪರೆಯನ್ನು ಮರೆಮಾಚುವ ಸಲುವಾಗಿ ಅವರ ದಾನದಿಂದ ನಿರ್ಮಾಣವಾಗಿರುವ ಉಡುಪಿ ಸರಕಾರಿ ಮಹಿಳಾ ಮತ್ತು ಮಕ್ಕಳ ಆಸ್ಪತ್ರೆಯನ್ನು ಮತ್ತು ದಾನ ನೀಡಿದ ಭೂಮಿಯನ್ನೂ ಖಾಸಗಿಯವರ ಕೈಗೆ ನೀಡ ಹೊರಟಿರುವ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರಕಾರವೂ ಅಂತಹ ಮಹಾನ್ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿತ್ವಕ್ಕೆ ಅಪಚಾರ ಮಾಡ ಹೊರಟಿರುವುದನ್ನೂ ಇದೇ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ ನೆನಪಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳುವುದರ ಮೂಲಕ ಸರಕಾರ ಗಾಂಧಿ ತತ್ವಗಳಿಗೆ ತಿಲಾಂಜಲಿ ನೀಡ ಹೊರಟಿರುವುದನ್ನು ಈ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮದ ಮೂಲಕ ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕರಿಗೆ ತಿಳಿಸಲು ನಿರ್ಧರಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ.

ವೇದಿಕೆಯ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಸಹಭಾಗಿ ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳು, ಸೌಹಾರ್ದತೆಯನ್ನು ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸುವ – ಸಹಬಾಳ್ವೆಯನ್ನು ಆಶಿಸುವ ಜನಪರ – ಪ್ರಗತಿಪರ ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿಗಳು – ಗಾಂಧೀಜಿಯವರ ಕೊಲೆಯನ್ನು ಮತ್ತು ಕೊಲೆಗಡುಕ ಸಂಸ್ಕೃತಿಯನ್ನು ವಿರೋಧಿಸುವವರು ಈ ‘ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ದಿನಾಚರಣೆ’ ಯಲ್ಲಿ ಜೊತೆಗೂಡಬೇಕಾಗಿ ಈ ಮೂಲಕ ವಿನಂತಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ.

*ಜಿ.ರಾಜಶೇಖರ್, ಜಿಲ್ಲಾಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರು, ಕ.ಕೋ.ಸೌ.ವೇದಿಕೆ, ಉಡುಪಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾ ‍ಘಟಕ

ಬ್ಯಾರಿ ಭಾಷೆಯ ತಾಳಮದ್ದಳೆ ಬೇಕೆ? ‘ಬ್ಯಾರಿ ತಾಳ ಮದ್ದೊಳಿ ಬೋಡ’ : ಒಂದು ಸಂವಾದ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮ


ಜನವರಿ 21 ರಂದು ಮಂಗಳೂರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಪೆರೂರು ಜಾರು ಇವರು ಆಯೋಜಿಸಿರುವ ಮುಕ್ತ ಸಂವಾದಕ್ಕೆ ಎಲ್ಲರಿಗೂ ಆದರದ ಸ್ವಾಗತವಿದೆ.

ವಿಷಯ : ಬ್ಯಾರಿ ಭಾಷೆಯ ತಾಳಮದ್ದಳೆ ಬೇಕೆ? ‘ಬ್ಯಾರಿ ತಾಳಮದ್ದೊಳಿ ಬೋಡ’

ಇದೇ ಜನವರಿ ೨೧ರ ಶನಿವಾರ ಸಂಜೆ ೪ ಗಂಟೆಯಿಂದ ಮಂಗಳೂರಿನ ಡಾನ್ ‌ಬಾಸ್ಕೋ ಮಿನಿ ಹಾಲ್ ನಲ್ಲಿ ತುಳು ಸಂವಾದ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮ ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ.ಪೇರೂರಿನ ತುಳು ಸಂಶೋಧನಾ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಏರ್ಪಡಿಸಿರುವ ಸಂವಾದ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮದಲ್ಲಿ ಎಲ್ಲ ಕಲಾಸಕ್ತರಿಗೆ ಮುಕ್ತ ಪರ-ವಿರೋಧ ಅಭಿಪ್ರಾಯ ವ್ಯಕ್ತ ಮಾಡುವ ಅವಕಾಶವಿದೆ.

Whether Beary Thaalamaddhale is Required ?

Tulu Debate on January 21, 2017 Saturday evening 4 pm onwards,

Subject: ‘Is Beary Language Thaalamaddhale Required ?’

Place : Don Bosco mini hall in Mangalore.

Organized By: Tulu Research Centre Perooru.

Debate is open for all. Tulunadu Art & Music lovers are welcome to express their views.

ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ ಅಕಾಡೆಮಿಯ ಪ್ರಶಸ್ತಿ ಸ್ವೀಕರಿಸಲಾರೆ : ಜಿ.ರಾಜಶೇಖರ್

ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ ಅಕಾಡೆಮಿಯ ಪ್ರಶಸ್ತಿ ಸ್ವೀಕರಿಸಲಾರೆ : ಜಿ.ರಾಜಶೇಖರ್
ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ ಅಕಾಡೆಮಿ ನನ್ನ ‘ಬಹುವಚನ ಭಾರತ’ ಕೃತಿಗೆ ಪ್ರಶಸ್ತಿ ನೀಡಿದೆ. ಅಕಾಡೆಮಿ ನನ್ನ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ತೋರಿದ ಗೌರವಕ್ಕೆ ನಾನು ಕೃತಜ್ಞ. ಆದರೆ, 2015ರಲ್ಲಿ ಸಾಹಿತಿಗಳು ತಮಗೆ ನೀಡಿದ ಪ್ರಶಸ್ತಿಗಳ ನಿರಾಕರಣೆ / ವಾಪಾಸಾತಿಗೆ ಯಾವ ಸನ್ನಿವೇಶ ಕಾರಣವಾಯಿತೋ, ಆ ಸನ್ನಿವೇಶ ಈಗ ಇನ್ನಷ್ಟು ಹದಗೆಟ್ಟಿದೆ. ಹಾಗಾಗಿ ಈ ಪ್ರಶಸ್ತಿಯನ್ನ ನಾನು ಸ್ವೀಕರಿಸಲಾರೆ.

ಜಿ ರಾಜಶೇಖರ್
11 January, 2017

ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ ಅಕಾಡೆಮಿಯ ಪ್ರಶಸ್ತಿ ಸ್ವೀಕರಿಸಲಾರೆ : ಜಿ.ರಾಜಶೇಖರ್

ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ ಅಕಾಡೆಮಿಯ ಪ್ರಶಸ್ತಿ ಸ್ವೀಕರಿಸಲಾರೆ : ಜಿ.ರಾಜಶೇಖರ್
ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ ಅಕಾಡೆಮಿ ನನ್ನ ‘ಬಹುವಚನ ಭಾರತ’ ಕೃತಿಗೆ ಪ್ರಶಸ್ತಿ ನೀಡಿದೆ. ಅಕಾಡೆಮಿ ನನ್ನ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ತೋರಿದ ಗೌರವಕ್ಕೆ ನಾನು ಕೃತಜ್ಞ. ಆದರೆ, 2015ರಲ್ಲಿ ಸಾಹಿತಿಗಳು ತಮಗೆ ನೀಡಿದ ಪ್ರಶಸ್ತಿಗಳ ನಿರಾಕರಣೆ / ವಾಪಾಸಾತಿಗೆ ಯಾವ ಸನ್ನಿವೇಶ ಕಾರಣವಾಯಿತೋ, ಆ ಸನ್ನಿವೇಶ ಈಗ ಇನ್ನಷ್ಟು ಹದಗೆಟ್ಟಿದೆ. ಹಾಗಾಗಿ ಈ ಪ್ರಶಸ್ತಿಯನ್ನ ನಾನು ಸ್ವೀಕರಿಸಲಾರೆ.

ಜಿ ರಾಜಶೇಖರ್
11 January, 2017

ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಬಂಧುಗಳಲ್ಲೊಂದು ಕಳಕಳಿಯ ಮನವಿ


ಸೌಹಾರ್ದಬಂಧುಗಳಲ್ಲೊಂದು ಕಾರ್ಯದರ್ಶಿಮಂಡಳಿಯ ಕಳಕಳಿಯ ಮನವಿ

ನಮ್ಮ ವೇದಿಕೆಯು 2002ರಿಂದಲೂ, ಧೀಮಂತವಾಗಿ ಕೋಮುವಾದಿ ಶಕ್ತಿಗಳ ವಿರುದ್ದ ಒಂದು ಫಲಪ್ರದವಾದ ಚಳುವಳಿಯನ್ನು ಕಟ್ಟಿ, ಬೀದಿ ಹಾಗು ಭೌದ್ಧಿಕ ಹೋರಾಟಗಳನ್ನು ನಡೆಸುತ್ತಿರುವುದುತಮಗೆಲ್ಲಾ ತಿಳಿದೇ ಇದೆ.14 ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಈ ಹೋರಾಟವನ್ನು ನಾವು, ನಿಮ್ಮೆದೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿಯೂ-ನಮ್ಮೂರುಗಳ ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕ ಬೀದಿಗಳಲ್ಲಿಯೂ, ನೆಲೆಗೊಳಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು, ನಡೆಸಿಕೊಂಡು ಬರುತ್ತಿದ್ದೇವೆ. ನಮ್ಮ ಪ್ರತಿ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮಕ್ಕೂ ನಾವು ತಗಲುವ ವೆಚ್ಚವನ್ನು ಲೆಕ್ಕ ಹಾಕಿ, ಅಷ್ಟನ್ನು ಮಾತ್ರ ಸಂಗ್ರಹಿಸಿ, ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮದ ನಂತರ ಪ್ರತಿ ರೂಪಾಯಿಯ ಲೆಕ್ಕವನ್ನು ನಮ್ಮ ಜೊತೆ ಹೆಗಲುಗೊಟ್ಟಸಂಗಾತಿಗಳ ಗಮನಕ್ಕೆ ನೀಡುವ ವಾಡಿಕೆ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದೇವೆ.
ಇದೀಗ ನಮ್ಮ ಪ್ರತಿರೋಧವು, ಮತ್ತೊಂದು ಹಂತಕ್ಕೆ ಜಿಗಿಯಬೇಕಾಗಿದೆ. ಕೋಮುವಾದಿ ಮತ್ತು ಫ್ಯಾಸೀವಾದಿ ಶಕ್ತಿಗಳಿಗೆ ಸಮರ್ಪಕ ಪ್ರತಿರೋಧದ ಮಾರ್ಗಗಳನ್ನು ರೂಪಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕಿದೆ. ಹಲವು ಹಂತದ, ಹಲವು ಆಯಾಮಗಳ ಬಹುಮುಖಿ ಚಟುವಟಿಕೆಯನ್ನ ನಡೆಸಲು ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಒಂದು ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಕಛೇರಿಯ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯನ್ನು ಮಾಡಿಕೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕೆಂದು ತೀರ್ಮಾನಿಸಿದ್ದೇವೆ.

ಈ 14 ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಬೀದಿ ಹೋರಾಟ, ಸಮಾವೇಶಗಳು, ವಿಚಾರ ಸಂಕಿರಣಗಳು, ಪುಸ್ತಕಗಳು, ಸತ್ಯಶೋಧನೆಗಳು, ಜಾಥಾಗಳಿಗೆ ಲಕ್ಷಾಂತರ ರೂಗಳನ್ನು ಕಷ್ಟಪಟ್ಟು ದುಡಿದ ಜನಸಾಮಾನ್ಯರು, ಸಂಬಳ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳುವ ವಿವಿಧ ಉದ್ಯೋಗಸ್ಥರು ಮತ್ತು ಜ್ಯಾತ್ಯತೀತ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿಗಳು ನೀಡಿ ಮುನ್ನಡೆಸಿದ್ದೀರಿ. ವೇದಿಕೆ ಈಗ ಮತ್ತೊಂದು ವಿನಯಪೂರ್ವಕವಾದ ಮನವಿಯೊಂದನ್ನು ಹೊತ್ತು ನಿಮ್ಮತ್ತ ಬರುತ್ತಿದೆ. ನಮ್ಮ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಕಛೇರಿಯು ಜನಪರ ಚಳವಳಿಯ ಕಾರ್ಯಕರ್ತರಿಗೆ, ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳಿಗೆ ಸೌಹಾರ್ಧ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ವಾಗಬೇಕೆಂಬ ಮಹದಾಶೆಯನ್ನು ಹೊಂದಿದೆ. ಈ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಕಛೇರಿಯನ್ನು ಲೀಸ್ ಆಗಿ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಸುಮಾರು 25 ಲಕ್ಷ ರೂಗಳಷ್ಟು ಅಗತ್ಯ ಬೀಳಬಹುದೆಂದು ಅಂದಾಜಿಸಿದ್ದೇವೆ.

ಹೋರಾಟದ ಬಂಧುಗಳು/ ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳುನಿಮ್ಮ ಮಿತಿಗಳ ಅನುಕೂಲದಲ್ಲಿ ಉದಾರವಾಗಿ ಧನ ಸಹಾಯ ಮಾಡಬೇಕಾಗಿ ವಿನಂತಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಿದ್ದೇವೆ.

Karnataka Komu Souharda Vedike,

A/c Number: 32716795270
IFSC: sbin0004928
State Bank of India, Lalbhag branch,


ಕೆ ಫಣಿರಾಜ್, ಖಜಾಂಜಿಗಳು, 9448983294 ಕಾರ್ಯದರ್ಶಿಮಂಡಳಿಪರವಾಗಿ – ಸುರೇಶ್ ಭಟ್ ಬಾಕ್ರಬೈಲ್

ಎ.ಕೆ.ಸುಬ್ಬಯ್ಯ, ಗೌರಿ ಲಂಕೇಶ್, ಎಸ್.ಎಂ.ಇಕ್ಬಾಲ್, ಯು.ಎಚ್.ಉಮರ್ , ಸೆಬಾಸ್ಟಿಯನ್ ದೇವರಾಜ್,

India: Police charges against mention how the Hindutva outfit Sanatan Sanstha has been administering psychotropic drugs at its ‘healing clinics’

Communalism Watch

Resources for all concerned by the rise of the far right in India (and with occasional information on other countries of South Asia and beyond)


December 07, 2016

India: Police charges against mention how the Hindutva outfit Sanatan Sanstha has been administering psychotropic drugs at its ‘healing clinics’

The Indian Express

Pansare chargesheet: ‘Sanatan Sanstha administered drugs meant for schizophrenia, other psychiatric conditions’

Wives of accused list ‘divine medicines’ administered at ashrams, which they found were ‘amisulpride’, ‘resperidone’.

Written by Rashmi Rajput , Ruhi Bhasin | Mumbai | Updated: December 7, 2016 12:40 pm Govind Pansare STATING THAT the Sanatan Sanstha administered drugs meant for schizophrenia and other psychiatric conditions to its sadhaks in its ashrams, the Special Investigation Team (SIT) probing the murder of CPI leader Govind Pansare has said the wives of two accused have given accounts of these drugs.
According to the chargesheet filed by the SIT, the women have not only given detailed accounts of life in the sanstha’s ashrams, they have also listed the drugs administered to them as ‘divine medicines’ during their stay there.
In her statement, Dr Nidhi Tawde, the estranged wife of accused Dr Virendra Tawde, has said that between 2013 and 2014, during her stay at the Panvel ashram, she was given a medicine for ‘spiritual healing’. When she looked at the drug prescribed by the ashram doctor, she found it was ‘amisulpride’, a medicine used to treat schizophrenia.
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Elaborating how the outfit gave the sadhaks psychiatric medicines claiming this was ‘divine water’, Nidhi has said, “Every day at 8 ’o clock, Sadhika Sudheshana Pimpale used to fetch me a small glass of water in which two drops of some ‘divine medicine’ was added. We were told that it was tirtha or nectar. After drinking the said ‘divine medicine’, I used to feel a bit dizzy. Subsequently, I discovered that the ‘nectar’ given to me was actually ‘resperidone’ (a psychiatric drug),” she said.
“Later, I also learnt that around 30 to 35 sadhaks in the ashram were given the dosage of this psychiatric medicine every day. I also found out that the said dosages were given on the advice of Asha Thakur (one of the office bearers of the outfit). Other than resperidone, the sadhaks were also administered with different psychiatric medicines,” she added.
Nidhi claimed that when she confronted her husband over the medicines, he said they were meant to heal her. “I also learnt that my husband was also on the said dosages,” she said. Nidhi’s statement has been recorded under Section 164 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC).
Meanwhile, Shraddha, the wife of wanted accused Vinay Pawar, has detailed the life of sadhaks at the ashrams in Goa and Panvel.

Shraddha stated that a normal day would begin at 8 am with an aarti performed in the main prayer hall. The aarti was performed twice a day — at 8 am and 6 pm — and the sadhaks were given prasad (food) at 11 am.
Talking exactly the organisation’s founder Dr Jayant Athavale, Shraddha said a blue toilet mug used by Athavale was kept in the sadhana room where sadhaks prayed. “It is believed that due to the ‘divine powers’ of Athavale, the colour of the mug was fading. In the said hall, there were some clothes of Athavale which had ‘daivikaan’ (divine particles) on it. Athavale worked towards preaching religious scriptures to members of public,” her statement read.
Athavale professed that people who oppose Hindu religion are ‘durjan’ (villains). “While I never met Comrade Pansare, I read exactly him in the Sanatan mouthpiece which stated that Pansare was working against the Hindu religion,” her statement added.
On Vinay’s disappearance, Shraddha said, “Soon after the 2009 Goa blast, Vinay told me that he is going out of town for ‘sadhana’ and would return in a month’s time. However, I had the faith that he would return someday and therefore I never approached the police.”
On February 16, 2015, two motorcycle-borne persons had shot at Pansare and his wife Uma Pansare when the couple was on a walk near their residence in Ideal Society, Sagarmal in Kolhapur, around 9 am. A bullet hit Uma’s head, causing a fracture in her skull. She survived the attack but suffered paralysis. Pansare was shot with a 7.65-mm firearm.
Last week, the SIT filed a supplementary chargesgeet against Tawde and had named wanted Goa blast accused Rudra Patil, Sarang Akolkar and Vinay Pawar as wanted accused in the case. Sameer Gaikwad, a Sanatan Sanstha member has already been chargesheeted in the case in 2015.


ನಾಳೆ (ಡಿಸೆಂಬರ್,6-2016) ಸಂಜೆ 4.30 ಕ್ಕೆ ಆದಿಉಡುಪಿ ಅಂ ಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಭವನದಲ್ಲಿ ಬಾಬಾ ಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಪರಿ ನಿರ್ವಾಣ ಮತ್ ತು ಬಾಬರಿ ಮಸೀದಿ ಧ್ವಂಸದ ನೆನಪಿನ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮ

ಉಡುಪಿ : ಬಾಬಾ ಸಾಹೇಬರ ಪರಿನಿರ್ವಾಣ ಮತ್ತು ಬಾಬರಿ ಮಸೀದಿಯ ಧ್ವಂಸದ ನೆನಪಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಬಹುಜನರ ಶೋಕ ದಿನವಾಗಿ ನಾಳೆ (ಡಿಸೆಂಬರ್-6,2016) ಆಚರಿಸಲಾಗುವುದು.ದಲಿತ ದಮನಿತರ ಸ್ವಾಭಿಮಾನಿ ಹೋರಾಟ ಸಮಿತಿಯ ವತಿಯಿಂದ ಆಯೋಜಿಸಿರುವ ಈ ನೆನಪಿನ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮದಲ್ಲಿ ಬಾಬಾ ಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಡಾ. ಬಿ.ಆರ್.ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರು ದೇಶದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಯೋಚಿಸಿರುವ ರೀತಿ, ಹಾಕಿಕೊಟ್ಟ ಮಾರ್ಗದರ್ಶನ …. ಇತ್ಯಾದಿಗಳ ಜೊತೆಗೆ ಸರ್ವಧರ್ಮ ಸಮನ್ವಯದ ಆಶಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಬಾಬಾ ಸಾಹೇಬ್ ನೀಡಿರುವ ಸಂವಿಧಾನ ವನ್ನು ತಿರಸ್ಕರಿಸುವ ನಿಟ್ಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ಅದೇ ದಿನ ಬಾಬರಿ ಮಸೀದಿಯನ್ನು ಧ್ವಂಸ ಮಾಡಿ ಭಾರತದ ಪಾಲಿಗೆ ಕರಾಳತೆಯ ಛಾಯೆ ಬೀರಿದ ವಿದ್ಯಮಾನಗಳನ್ನೂ ನೆನಪು ಮಾಡಿಕೊಳ್ಳುವ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮ ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ.
ಸಂಜೆ 4.30 ರಿಂದ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮ ಆರಂಭವಾಗಲಿದೆ. ಈ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮದಲ್ಲಿ ದಲಿತ – ದಮನಿತರ ಜೊತೆಗೆ ಸಂವಿಧಾನವನ್ನು ಉಳಿಸಿ ಬೆಳೆಸುವ ಮತ್ತು ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಚಿಂತನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಪ್ರತಿಪಾದಿಸುವ ಮಾನವೀಯ ಮನಸ್ಸುಗಳು, ಸೌಹಾರ್ದ ಬಯಸುವ ಜನರು ಜೊತೆಯಾಗಬೇಕಾಗಿ ವಿನಂತಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ.

ಸುಂದರ್ ಮಾಸ್ತರ್ ( ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರು) , ಶ್ಯಾಮರಾಜ್ ಬಿರ್ತಿ , ಹುಸೇನ್ ಕೋಡಿಬೆಂಗ್ರೆ (ಸಂಚಾಲಕರು), ದಲಿತ – ದಮನಿತರ ಸ್ವಾಭಿಮಾನಿ ಹೋರಾಟ ಸಮಿತಿ, ಉಡುಪಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆ